{ } = word or expression can't be understood
{word} = hard to understand, might be this

(...9, November 6th, 1953.)

...which makes me feel that perhaps you may want to hear the -- a better answer. One of you wrote as a kind of matter-of-fact statement as -- "My desire to love and be loved in return." Perhaps you know already that I'm very nervous when everything in life looks like bar- -- a bargain. It never is so, you see. You never get back what you give and so on. This doesn't exist, except in -- in business, and there they try very hard that they get more than they return.

But love is more complicated. And I think I owe to you a -- a word of explanation. A young man, if he is a man, wants to be loved. That's why you pursue these girls. And then you are willing to love the girl. But the first in you is the desire. That isn't love. You desire the girl. And in order that the girl may fulfill your desire, you want to be loved. So you ba- -- buy her a gardenia, or a diamond necklace, or whatever it is -- or this famous fraternity pin.

Gentlemen, life is really much richer than you have an idea. You have stifled your vocabulary and your own experience. This is what happens. You look at a girl. You like her, and you desire her. That's all. But in order to make progress, you have to make her love you. She doesn't desire you, but she is -- perhaps willing to love you, which is more. And then the man daily rediscovers his love. Love is not a habit, gentlemen. But every day we re-love again, quite new. The desire and love, you have to be absolutely strictly distinguished. And you don't know this, and that's why you can't love and are only boys. And there are many people of course in the world who stay just desirous all their lives. That -- but they can't love.

Love is the result of your desire of -- the -- a great experience of being loved, and that transforms your desire in love -- in your love. You know what love is -- a great Italian, Giuseppe Ferrari, a very great man, has given, I think, the most wonderful formula for love: "Love is desire and sacrifice in balance." And anybody who loves somebody wants to do something for that person. And everybody who desires a woman wants to have her. And that must be in balance.

And therefore I think this sentence is a -- very important for you. I'm very grateful that the -- sentence was written. He -- he lists among the posts in his accounts, so to speak, at this moment, "My desire to love." That doesn't -- there is no desire to love. But the desire is to -- to the girl, and to be loved by this girl which you like, you see. And then to -- not to be -- then to love in return. Then

the return is all right. Desire, be loved, and love. That's a very great sequence. And you will be able to distinguish your choice for a permanent wife, for -- for a real mate in life, by learning to distinguish this. And in this country, you see, you don't -- for- -- forgive me for the -- our industrial society rushing everything, you see, making everything available at once, has telescoped in your life the experience of desire at 14, puberty; the experience of being able already to be lovable -- you look well now, at 21; and the right to marry at 28. And you think that's all one. And so you get mixed up in terrible -- further, if you could, you would get married at 14 -- at 14, because you're already in puberty trouble.

And therefore you think man is made to satisfy his sex desire. No. Man is made to marry. And he has to pay for this, because the animals -- they mate every spring and then they forget all about love, and have no feelings afterwards. You -- we don't -- we live out of this regular, natural year. But you would like to be nature. You would like to be like the cat or the -- like the dog. You can't. You have to suffer. You have to wait, or you can't get married, because it takes a -- 14 years usually -- you can telescope it into 10, you can telescope it into eight -- but you have to go through these three very painful stages. And you don't want it. And that's why you get divorced. Three times divorced, four times divorced. Never get married, because you think to go to bed with a girl without the penalty of -- of -- of -- of -- of violating the code, that's all there is to marriage.

Gentlemen, have as many girls as you want, but don't mistake it for marriage. That's much better than betraying yourself and calling something very rare and very sacred "marriage," just to be the fulfillment of a desire. Desires, you see -- the -- the food that you eat you cannot worship. You cannot have a sacrament of food in this sense. You can only have the sacrament of food if this isn't food to you, but when it is the whole created universe. That's why the institution of the -- Communion supper, of the pesa- -- of the passa meal has quite a different meaning than just the eating of this -- of this food there, obviously, you see. That's why without the words added to the meal, you couldn't eat it because food in itself cannot be consecrated in itself, as food.

And as long as you mistake these three stages, perhaps you really think -- I mean, I feel really that I trust you with some great truth which is lost in today's world. There are these three stages. And if you read the Gospel very carefully, you will find it borne out there. The whole problem of humanity is in this fact that we have a natural equipment which is called "desire." We are waiting for a response from the world. We want to be loved, you see. And then we are willing to pay the price, and organize our desire into something lasting: the institution of marriage. Then our whole physique, our whole body, our desires are reborn, because they have now re- -- received their meaning from the woman you love,

from her part as response to her love, you see, and no longer in any real marriage, the life of the sexes is completely transformed. It isn't your urge and her urge. Or -- you are mis- -- abusing the -- your body, still, you see. It is -- it wouldn't be marriage. It has -- plays no part. It isn't your desire that then takes the first seat.

Being loved changes a man completely. Just talking -- you will find that when you are terribly in a -- in -- in straits, alone, in big city -- one girl that just says "Hello" to you can settle the whole issue, as you well know, because what you really want is much more that this girl smiles at you than that you fulfill your desire right away. And -- and -- many people, as you know, are simply held and saved, because they have good company. Isn't that true? Our desires change immediate -- take on another shape, another contour, if -- if it hasn't to be -- you see, considered -- if we can forget ourselves in the friendship we receive from somebody.

So these three stages, please, just give them a chance to grow in you, and you will be full-fledged people. And otherwise you will not.

The second thing. In -- we talked about the war, and the military as a found- -- cornerstone of the Constitution and the law of the land, of justice. And justice in this -- as you know, in America is always discussed in women's clubs, or foreign affairs, or Free Masons as something in the abstract. People must be just. But I told you we can only know what is just from experience. Otherwise we don't know whether it is just to have an unemployed. You can just as much defend -- another system that the unemployed should go to pieces because he doesn't deserve to be helped, you see.

So I told you -- I warned you, if you want to see -- look out in the world where this is today experienced to the utmost, then go to Israeli. The Jews have been family people, as you know, for the last thousands of years. And they never had anything to do with war, since Bar Kokba, since 130 of our era, when they fought desperately and fought very well. Now they have fought again.

I know a Jewish -- young Jewish intellectual. And he just -- how you say? -- gleams, or I mean -- has a gleam in his eye, or is quite deeply moved when he can speak of these young Jewish generals, whose friend he claims to be. I don't know if he is. But they are 25, they are 27, they are 28. He's 30. But the greatest honor of his life: that he has now friends who are generals. And the whole constitution of Israeli of course is developing around this issue of the military, and their old religious leaders like Mr. Buber are completely disheartened and leave the country, because they don't understand any longer an Israeli, which is just a national state, with military ambitions, and with -- the zest to conquer

more territory, and to subdue the neighbors. Very normal in the beginning, just as the colo- -- colonies did here, with their enemies here -- in this country. They are very good fighters now.

I say this, gentlemen, because I know that some of you think that I have told you these things not because they are true, but because I am German. And it would be a pity if the -- if the majority of you would be so stupid to dismiss a thing because I have brought in -- out into the open, which is the problem of every man who knows that war and peace are upon us.

For the last -- my whole life, I can say, since the first rev- -- Russian Revolution, I have tried to understand these things. I have tried to discover the moral equivalent of war in my days, long before it was mentioned here in this country. And I think it is unworthy of -- of you to -- to -- to say, "Americans don't care for war." They don't want to have a philosophy of war. As soon as you have to admit, just from the record, that no country has led so many -- been so often in war than -- as the United States. You are completely schizophrenic in this country. You pretend that you are pacifists, and on the other hand, you go to war constantly. That's not a good -- good situation, even when it is cultivated in this country in special parts of New York.

In -- I'm offering you something that you have to think through, or you are just ruled by these events to your own surprise. I know, of course, most people say, "I am against war." And then they are very surprised that when the -- time comes, they have to subscribe to all the tenets of the war. That's what has happened here. It's not very -- I think it's very -- it's subhuman. It's very small.

And so I -- I want you to consider this, gentlemen, that the nations of the world can be united in an understanding of war. The justice of every country, the constitution of every country is different. When you are a naval power like England, you -- will have a different constitution from a -- from a territorial power like France, or Germany, or even the United States. India is in a different position from China, because it is a peninsula in the ocean; and China is a mass of land, hardly accessible, you see, inside. No communication.

And -- so gentlemen, the peacetime constitution of people differs. But if we could agree on what war is, we would again have a common faith. We would again have a real human religion. The -- the error of the United Nations, the error of your Union Now, the error of all the abstract things is that they think they should write a common constitution for peacetime, which then ceases to exist when a conflict arises. Gentlemen, it's very short-sighted. If you look at the -- at the real facts of life in this war, you will find that a Finn, and a German,

and a Swede who fought for this country came -- became American citizens because they fought for this country. Because in wartime, gentlemen, there are no nationalities. There are only armies. And the army is strong enough to give the right of a citizen to anybody who has a -- been a member of this army. And when he returns, he has to be recognized as a citizen.

In this sense, gentlemen, all armies are outside the civilian status. They are the cow- -- the hotbeds, the seedbeds, the preparatory schools for citizenship. But they themselves are not national.

In -- in Indochina there are at this moment allegedly American airplanes and French -- the French army, you are told. You are quite mistaken. There are 55,000 Germans in the Foreign Legion. There are perhaps 15,000 French. And then there are the American -- is the American equipment. They are all pressed as mercenaries into the Foreign Legion in the occupied zone of Germany. By night and in fog they are carried across the -- the frontier after having been made drunk. Nobody of course is allowed to write this in an American newspaper. But it's a fact. The French know it; the Germans certainly know it. Nothing helps. I mean, they -- the French have been allowed by the Americans, although they have done nothing in this last war, as you know, to -- to occupy Germany. And they now treat Germany as though they had conquered it. And they abduct the -- the males into the army.

But at least, I will not criticize it at this moment so much as to tell you that all the gloves are off. All the rules are out. When war is, you take a man, and -- and you put him into this army. And after 10 years, I think, they make him a French citizen. That's what's so wonderful, the small facts of life, gentlemen. You don't want to -- to know all these things.

The one -- the -- you have perhaps heard the name of Moltke, the field marshall of the -- wars in Germany. Through three generations, the Moltkes have been very prominent in military affairs. Su- -- first, the commander who conquered Napoleon was called Moltke. Have you heard the name? Good. Well, only to give you an example of the assimilation power of a war.

When this war came, the family of Moltke in Germany, which were my very close friends and neighbors, with whom I had introduced this moral equivalent of war, the work service in Germany, consisted of four brothers. The oldest brother said, "I am a Moltke. I have to face this ordeal." And he was executed by the Nazis in the most shocking way. And his letters have been published, and it's the -- very greatest document of love letters ever, I think, written in the last hundred years.

And his brother, he -- he said to his younger brother, "You William, you go to America. You have nothing to do with this tradition. You are not the heir to the title. And this is an unjust war. And this is Hitler, and I have nothing -- we have nothing to do with it. I have to be killed. That -- I'm, so to speak, stymied."

And this brother of his has fought in the American army -- is now an architect in the United States. This is what war is capable of doing, you see. He -- it changes allegiances. This is tremendous. There you meet with the birth of a nation. You cannot deny a man who has borne arms with you together, the brotherhood, which then later takes shape in the common law of the land. And you must know -- who knows such a foreigner who has become a citizen while serving in the army? You are the only one? Oh, there must be more. Sure.

Well -- again, gentlemen, you think that's just a regulation of Mr. Eisenhower, or Mr. Hull, or Mr. Roosevelt, you see. That isn't so. They have to say what is right. You see, laws are not the invention of politicians, or statesmen, you see, or presidents. But you ask from a president that he enacts -- or the Congress -- what is just to enact. Can you see this? So they cannot deny this citizen- -- you see -- -ship, to a man who has done this. Doing produces the consequences, and the -- don't overrate what the Congress can do. The Congress can only found out -- find out what is just. But "just" is not an abstraction. You don't learn it in a course on ethics. You don't learn it in Aristotle. And you don't read it in Plato. And you don't read it in a Bible course. But you read it when you are a member of a going concern. Everybody in a firm knows very well who has to be made vice-president. That's not a question of arbitrariness. "He deserves it," we say. Well, it is with all the laws of -- this way, that -- we deserve this-and-this law, if the Congress doesn't make too many laws. And we are in this very unfortunate position that the Congress by and large passes five times too many laws, so that the feeling for what is just is completely lost today in this country. By the way, all the legislatures are ser- -- are suffering from this. Too many laws, you see, stifle your understanding of what is just.

Justice must be enacted by a minimum of laws. The more laws, the worse the country. Because, gentlemen, laws must be realized to be just. And therefore, what -- the will of the legislator must be compared to the acts which lead him to do this. And how can a citizenry be aware of these, if -- if there are 10,000 laws in -- during one legislature? So I do think -- we have a kind of recovery at this moment. I love the -- your Republican administration, because it hasn't done anything.

This is not a -- to laugh. This is ridiculous to say that a -- an administration should always administer more and more. Let them administer less and less. Let us recover from too many laws. I mean it. It is a very good idea. Read the

Chinese philosophers. They have said, "All the ills of government stem from the fact of too much government," which is, I think, great wisdom. So all these paper talks there about what the Republican administration should finally do I think is quite mistaken. They should congratulate Mr. Eisenhower for his complete incapabil- -- incapab- -- incapacity of doing anything. As long as he -- we can live -- without his interference, I think we are off -- all the better off. Why should a president always be a savior? I thought that was left to religion. Mr. Roosevelt came as a savior, because everybody had -- had lost his head. Now today nobody has lost his head, so we don't need a savior.

Now I think this was all necessary for you to understand. And now let's go. {Hendry}, would you read this report?

[tape interruption]

The revolutionary type tries to have future only. He denies any loyalty to the past, I mean. The -- the -- the -- the sworn Communist is such an absurdity because you can hardly understand him. Have you ever met a Communist? Who has? Really? That's interesting. Are you in touch with the FBI? That's interesting. I haven't. I have only heard perhaps two or three in my life. One was a Dartmouth boy.

But their fanaticism, their dis- -- their -- their spying on -- on -- on, you see, there, this con- -- -- what is called "the conspiracy" now, their ruthlessness with regard to friends, this complete lack of any loyalty outside the party. It is really frightful, especially when women Communists are in play; they are just especially horrid -- comes from this fact that they are not able any longer to recognize this mysterious immersion into the beat of time in three generations: in past, present, and future. The -- they are thinking that they live in the future only. That's what they actually do. And they sacrifice everything to this future.

So gentlemen, what I have told you about past, present, and future, is really represented by people. The French live in the past, the Americans live in the present, the Russians live in the future at this moment. And you -- want to believe -- in the -- exclusively. So this country consists of playboys. The serious business is only care- -- taken care of by the women. And they enslave you, because you are all just good for golf, or -- not even for cricket. That's too boring already, as one of you -- didn't one of you? Did you hear the story of cricket, where the American admiral was explained cricket? You hear the story?

And he said, "Well, seems to me the most damn boring game I ever have heard of."

And the English expositor said, "Well, that's what it's meant to be."

You see. The English are afraid of being interested in games. Life is too serious, so they play boring games, so that life can -- real life is interesting. Yes, your games are interesting, so that's why your real life is so dull.

(You say the Russians live only in the future, that we live only in the present.)

Well, as far as they are organized Communists, I mean. Not the people, {yes}, Communists.

(...and the French live only in the past. There -- and what you said last time, wasn't it? -- that the -- the whole person, or the person who will derive most benefit combines these three sequences. Isn't that what you said?)

Now gentlemen, in order to understand that I really mean what I say when I say a free soul, a free man, a person can make the future into the past, and the past into the future, which seems to you idiotic, of course, and just a -- a quirk of my imagination -- is very simple. You can prove it to yourself, and you can test it. -- When you have a trend, as you call it in this country, you can bow to it, and say, "This is a trend." I once established here, as I have told you, the Camp William James. And the dean of the faculty said to my wife at dinner, "How can your husband do this? It's against the trend."

"Well," she said. "That's the only reason why he does it."

Well, that is the conflict, you see, of the -- of -- of two parties in life. A decent fellow is indifferent to the trend. He does -- has to go against the trend, or with the trend, as -- according to the trend -- content of the trend. But the trend is no reason to run with the -- you see, on -- jump on the bandwagon. Sometimes the bandwagon -- really runs very fast downhill.

Mr. Churchill has something to say about this in his -- great work there, in his memoirs. He says, "When they -- ejected and expelled the Communists from Athens, by violence, the whole American people, journalists, and even politicians, and the state department were down on them and said, `This is terrible. Free Greece,'" because people here hadn't heard of Communism. They played with it. They had heard of it enough, but -- "And now," he said, "it's so wonderful to behold that now the Americans are down on the English because they aren't hard enough against Communists," you see. He said, "When we were already executing by military strength the Communists in Greece, we were vituperated by every American." And he says, "Just look it up. You wouldn't

believe it."

Now gen- -- that's because trend is nothing. And -- to give you a very simple example, which was {adduced} in Churchill I told you last time: when you have some very wonderful plants, you wish to protect them against weeds and against degeneration. So you do something for them to change the trend, because otherwise these plants would go down. If you left it then to time only, the future of this field would be weeds. So if I tell you that we can make the future the past, this is literally true, because if I weed this garden, then that which otherwise happened as future, which was bound to come by all natural law, you see -- laws, does not happen. It is relegated to the past. It is excluded from forming the element of the future. This is what we call "freedom."

And therefore, gentlemen, so long people have thought freedom is the freedom from causation. Man is free if he -- but I think it helps you -- we have to rediscover the freedom -- the amount of freedom that is available to humanity, without the terms of the philosophers of old, because they have lapsed. They haven't carried you. You have -- know nothing. You think you are a natural animal, or a clever animal, or a thinking animal, or whatever you call it. Man isn't anything of the kind. What man is striving for is this divine power to change the past into the future, if it is a good past -- to do that, so that this rose which was there created can still be there tomorrow, you see; and to abolish the future that otherwise would overtake this flower, the weeds. This is just a very simple example.

But the first thing by which you must now enter this great age of a science of timing, a science of time, a science of phase, of period, of epoch, of history, of war and peace, of generations, of fathers and sons, of mothers and daughters, of children and grandchildren, this whole science of time which doesn't exist in this country in the least, except by the experts on elections, when to time, this Wis- -- science of time is a secret science so far. You must -- take stock and you must therefore try to define all the great issues of your life in terms of time. And I propose that freedom is a power to exchange -- to interchange past and future, because I am sure if you could think it this way, it would become meaningful to you, and it would be not an abstract virtue to be free, which then easily is also given up, and you say, "Why should I be free?" Well, we have to be free, because otherwise destruction, weeds, {slum -- -sh} overtake us. The future left to itself goes to pot, you see. You have to wake up from this idea of automatic progress. It will kill you, the future, if you don't take in hand the -- your right to say, "This is a weed, and this is a rose." And it is killing you. You don't understand anymore that most what surrounds you is weeds.

So the science of timing. It always has struck me as a great act in American history that in 1908, four years before Woodrow Wilson was elected, the boss -- the -- of the Democratic Party went to see Mr. Wilson and said to him, "1912 is the first year in which the Democrats have a chance to -- to elect the president of the United States again, if we have the right candidate. I think you are presidential timber. But you haven't been in politics. So are you willing to become governor of New Jersey? Then we'll give you this preparation, and we'll groom you."

And so he resigned from Princeton and arranged for a big huff, you know, so that it made a kind of stir and splash -- fraternity issue, and went into campaign and was made presid- -- governor of New Jersey. And also it's a rotten state -- who is from New Jersey? -- Oh, pardon me! -- so I haven't said anything. And -- they -- the two years there made him well -- sufficiently known to the wider public and in 1912, he became president.

Now this man was an expert on timing, this man who visited Wilson. You understand. And the people in the United States knew nothing. They -- they -- he suddenly pops up in 1912, you see, there he is, a great man. Have to vote for him. The sage, the wisdom is of course in the act of the man who thinks in 8 -- 1908 about 1912. You can see this. This is the seed that has to be sown. And that can change { }. But if you leave it to the year 1912, you can't do anything anymore. It's too late.

So get engaged, but marry only seven years from today. Then you won't marry this girl, I'm sure.

(I disagree.)

Well then, wait, all the better. Gentlemen, there is in -- on the shelves The Multiformity of Man. That's a pamphlet -- the lectures given by me in Boston. The so-called Lowell Lectures. You have to deliver them in a long-tail coat with a white tie. And just the same, they aren't as stiff as that sounds. And you will read them, because we -- they deal with work. And they deal with the next chapter then, after we have coped with the war issue. So please plunge into the reading of these pamphlets on the multiformity of man.

The -- before we turn to the industrial chapter, I have to finish off this chapter on war by speaking of the warrior. We already said that the warrior is one-sided, because it is a man's world. But since this man needs all his maleness to be a good soldier, it's very different from the field of sports. In the field of sports, you can forget sex, and a healthy amount of sport for your age is just necessary, because otherwise you go crazy with sex. In the soldier, this cannot

be so simple. In the soldier, the -- this urge is not extinguishable or -- to -- can be trained away, as little as it can be for a sailor who is, so to speak, at war with the elements of the sea. When he comes on land, you know, he is a very brute beast. And Hoboken is not a very nice place. Oh -- it's in New Jersey again. I'm so gla- -- terrible. So let's take another place.

The -- the soldier, gentlemen, at -- in the frontline, is completely geared to the fight of outer obstacles. The essence of war is that human beings too are a part of nature, the enemy. The enemy camouflages himself into a tree. The -- everything that we call the enemy is a part of nature. And it is your privilege in a war to shoot at the enemy, because he camouflages as nature. Like the wild animals -- the lions. That's why we have the coat of arms in -- in war, that we are -- have an eagle, or a lion, or a whale, or a bear as the emblem of the fighting army, you see, as is -- of the state, of the government. That's the reason why a Christian country like the United States have this double-talk that they have the Star-Spangled Banner for the ins- -- the domestic consumption, and they have the eagle for the fighting state, you see, because the eagle means business against an outer world, the outside world. And the stars mean the inward friendship of 48 states.

So the soldier himself must also be virile, fighting, aggressive, armed to the teeth. And we -- you see it from the atom bomb. "Armament" means exaggeration in one direction. A battleship is, so to speak, an exaggeration of having a ship on the sea. It is more arm, more defended. And so is a man in a tank, compared to us here. Armament is not just equipment by nature, but it's overdoing it. It's inventing a second nature. What we call "technology" is always connected with a warlike efficiency. And as you just have seen -- during the last 10 years, wars invent. They are the most inventive time in man's life, because we want to become like the big sauriae, like the most armed animals in the world. A tank -- and all the other weapons -- the submarine -- are attempts to recover the armaments of the bygone races which, because they couldn't disarm, vanish, because to be armed only is a very poor equipment for life. This is -- an interplay which you must know, you see, because -- again it's a -- I think the deeper insight which you can learn from -- analyzing war against the Darwinians. The aggressiveness of the male in us, the fighting and -- stamina, lead us to surround us with tanks, and shields, and harnesses, and oxygen in the air -- I mean, in the jet bomb, you see, that overdoes one possibility of our nature, to become completely extrovert, to put all our strength -- think of the sports, you see -- into this momentary, physical equipment, and put our brain, our heart, our soul behind it, you see, so that this very moment we are invincible, unbreakable.

Now gentlemen, life is not unbreakable. Death is. A corpse you cannot destroy, because it is completely dead. So wars always lead men to take on forms

of deadliness, of mech- -- mechan- -- mechan- -- mechanization, stiffness, stiltedness, of -- well, impenetrability. The enemy -- we don't -- won't want to open up to the enemy our secrets. We have a code. So writing takes on the opposite from what it was meant to be. This becomes a secret, you see.

In every respect, gentlemen, if you think it through, you have enough experience about warfare after all in armies yourself, you will see that everything is twisted into weapon. And "weapon" means fight against an outer resistance. We become elements of the game of physics, of gravity, and push and pull, and we try to win by crashing, and cracking, by -- from -- I mean, by laying down the ramparts of a fortress, you see, by piercing the -- the steel mantle of a battleship with a torpedo. You are -- don't think much of it. But you see, you -- the human being is only human when it can change from peace to war and from war to peace. War is a very one-sided attitude. You can -- even formulate it in a lawful way. A government is only that order of things which can go from war to peace, and from peace to war. Hitler was not a government, because he -- could not make peace. He could only go to war, you see. And Rhode Island and Plantations is not a government -- a complete government, because it can only have peace, you see. It cannot go to war. It's very important why the states in the United States, you see, are not really full-fledged government. They aren't.

This is a very simple definition. And you don't find it in your political science textbooks, gentlemen. Government is full government only when it can shift successfully from war to peace and from peace to war. That's why I tell you the United Sates are no longer a self-supporting government, because without allies, we can at this moment no longer allow ourselves to be drawn in a war. Canada has to be on our side, and Mexico. Or we are lost from the very beginning. That is sovereign, that power which can go from war to peace and peace to war. And a country that has to be at war has ceased to be, you see, governed, and becomes denaturalized.

That's why I tried to tell you that when a country is 100 percent armed, like Hitler was, with Volkssturm, with 13-year-old boys fighting in the streets against the Russians, you know, and being killed there by the hundreds and thousands in the last month of the war, that is -- has ceased to be a government. That's -- again, your sense of justice tells you that the people in such a country must r- -- rise against the government, you see, which is selling them down the river. You see, that's no longer government. You understand? It wipes out itself.

Therefore, gentlemen, the attitude of soldiering, of building weapons, of spending all your money on an armament and an ammunition industry is very well, as l„ng- as we have the elasticity to give it up again, to return to peace. Now the -- in the soldier, in battle, this necessity of assuring that the aggressive-

ness is only one aspect, the extrovert aspect, that he is an introvert as well, is seen in the soldier on leave. The soldier on leave is a wild, civilian animal, usually drunk, usually in debt, usually selling or giving away his wristwatch, and in trouble with the girls. This is very important, gentlemen. The soldiers are in excess of civilians in both directions. They are much more civilians when they are on leave, and they are much less civilians, of course, when they are in battle dress.

You underrate the eternal human, so to speak, in this great experience, gentlemen: that in the soldier, you find the two features of humanity equally well expressed. The man on leave shows you all your passions, when they are suddenly blowing up. And the man at the battle front shows what you're capable of achieving in the form of athletics. They are the -- the model case. What is an athlete on the football field compared to what a soldier has to go through in a foxhole, or in a tank, or in a -- jet plane? Nothing. Ridiculous, because he cannot call the tune. He is sent when he is not fit, when he is just bowel movement, which is very important in -- war, you see, that usually the enemy attacks when you are just out for a certain -- in -- on a certain business, just the most unfavorable moment.

This may -- show you that man is neither an introvert nor an extrovert. These are so- -- slogans which you have also learned in psycho- -- as though man is one or the other. The whole problem of man is that he's alternatingly extrovert and introvert. That's a healthy man, you see, who's totally introvert when it is asked -- and totally extrovert when it is -- when he is demanded this to be. Just as a man is a conservative and progressive alternatingly. And a human being cannot say, "I am a progressive," and "I am a conservative." These are fools. When a man says he is a progressive, then he is pink. That is, he has to be left all the time. And when he says, "I am a conservative," I have a right to say, "Then you are a reactionary," because you have not in you the normal change between future and past. You always have to be past.

So please, the soldier teaches us this lesson that man is neither introvert nor extrovert. If you have an introvert or an extrovert, I mean, that's a mental case. That is -- the norm is that we can alternate between the two. That is the freedom of man. That is -- would you introduce this word, perhaps? -- plasticity. We are plasma. And as long as -- any cell has to be -- have a nucleus and some plasm- -- -tic element or it dies. So if we have to be at war -- the happy warrior -- we have to be at war, we have ceased to be human. If you can't go to war, you also have to be ceased human. You are then a suburb of New York, but you are no longer a citizen. A citizen is a man who can alternatingly be thrown back into the original condition of founding the country, and the other condition of forgetting. The soldier on leave is the most forgetful soldier -- person in the world. He

forgets everything. And that's why, you know, armies have always been ruined in their winter quarters. The Romans -- the pure -- Hannibal lost his army in {Carpia}, because they -- they played with the girls there. And they gambled. And there was no army at the end of winter, which is perfectly normal.

So gentlemen, army l- -- an army is only there where you have at least one general, one leader who can rule over soldiers on leave, and over soldiers in the frontline. Now soldiers on leave is much more than -- soldiers on leave. It's the whole peacetime army in Fo- -- Port -- Fort Denver. All the peacetime army is just on leave. It's not serious. That's why it is so terribly difficult to have a peacetime army. The peacetime army, gentlemen, is more removed from wartime, frontline situations, than any other civilian situation, except Dartmouth College. But in business, you are more of a fighter. You are nearer to the soldier today than you are in Fort Dix, or Fort Denver or -- what is it here? Fort Den- -- {Devons}.

This is the difficulty for you of understanding army life, because you are exposed to this reserve officer training here, for four years now. That has nothing to do with the army, except that it is a pious remembrance of the army as it will be. But it is impossible to have the spirit of immediacy, and emergency, you see, in a peacetime army. You know, here is drill on Monday. Well, that's -- as I -- you already know now, that's play. It's the very opposite from an army, because you -- you know here when it will end, don't you, I mean? The drill is over by 4, or when is it? By whi- -- what time -- hour is it over on Monday?


4:- -- Well, there you are.

So gentlemen, when we turn to study mili- -- the military, we must not look at the peacetime army. The army at war is the school for psychologists. That is, if you want to know hu- -- what humanity is like, you have to study these two things: the army -- the soldier on leave, and the soldier at the frontline. But in it -- and you will have to have one who can watch over this transformation that always goes on when the troop is withdrawn and is marching, or resting, you see, or preparing itself, or drilled; and the opposite situation, when the f- -- enemy is there, and everybody is as good as the general. In his own place, he has to have initiative, you see, and have to decide for himself to a certain degree. Everyone has to, in a real war. In a peacetime army, nobody has to decide anything, and nothing is ever decided. You just write to Washington, and then you have the Pentagon, and that's not an answer.

There are only six tran- -- 16 transcripts made from every -- request, you

see. That's a bureaucracy, instead of the army. Sixteen times, you see, every request written today in our armed forces has to be copied, which shows how remote it is from real life.

There are two other types of soldiers, gentlemen. There is the veteran and the recruit. The have-been soldier, and the to-be soldier. The draft board material. And it is called from the point of army, because it comes -- is drawn from civilian life with the terrible but very significant name, "material." Comes from mother's womb and is delivered tremblingly by the mothers of America to poor -- the poor general who has now all the time to comfort these mothers. I told you, we would have universal service long ago if the mothers of America s- -- didn't say that their children were ruined by the army service, and so they let them ruin -- be ruined in other ways, instead.

We have this -- the recruit, gentlemen, connects the army then with the civilian life. And the veteran connects the civilian life with the army. One goes in, the other comes out. Now this to you is all perfectly foreign. You have not thought of you as mat- -- yourself as material, quite easily, perhaps, but you are. With regard to an army, all you count is your size, and your lungs, and -- and your preparation. Fifteen percent we have read yesterday or three days ago of the American army are illiterates. Gentlemen, in Switzerland, which has the strongest army, as you know, of Europe, which can mobilize 16 divisions in 24 hours, and the large Germany is now perhaps expected to raise 12 divisions, so you see what Switzerland performs -- this country has a constant competition between all the states of the confederacy a- -- about the school status of every recruit. There is not one illiterate man in Switzerland allowed to enter the army. And of course, the first ruling for military service in this country should be that an illiterate man cannot enter the army. That's a dishonor to his colleagues.

This is a wild country, it's -- I'm -- you see, we have a happy-go-lucky anarchy. We don't have a constitution. And so it is possible that, although this country boasts of the best schools, and the high status of liv- -- standard of living, you can have 15 percent of hillbilly boys, who don't know to read and write, and they have the right to wear the -- army dress. Of course, when they get drunk, they smash everything. You can't control them.

I -- when I was in Germany, two soldiers appeared at 2 o'clock at night at the house of the most popular doctor there in town, and asked for aspirin. And so he opened the door, where he had asked them what they wanted. And they killed him and raped his wife, his housekeeper, and his daughter. But they were illiterates.

So gentlemen, the soldier on leave is a very dangerous man. And you

shouldn't allow everybody to enter it. Certainly no convicts, no -- no people from -- from -- from prisons should be allowed to serve in the army. We have a terrible mess in this respect in this country. And it cannot even be discussed, because always the mothers of America, the Daughters of the Revolution, you see, who will be never the mothers of another -- they -- they say, "My dear boy, he must go to Sunday school. He can't serve in the army." So instead the -- the -- the man from the penitentiary has to go into the army. And then -- do you think this can ever be wiped out in the memory of this town, or of this whole province in Germany where this occurred, that two American soldiers in full-fledged peacetime last year, in 1952, kill a man and rape his -- the three residents -- female residents of his home, just for nothing? That's fantastic. That's -- that's then the export of American democracy. And we say to these Germans that they must run -- be -- run their government on our -- on our level. Gentlemen, the level is too low.

Because -- it comes because nobody here takes an interest. This boy who -- who -- who criticized me for being as a German interested in war is just a f- -- betraying his -- honor of America. If he would look into the matter, and if he were to force the issue in {forefront,} this would be discussed how an army should be treated here, and who should build it up, and out of wh- -- which -- elements it sh- -- ca- -- con- -- to -- has to consist. It has to consist of honorable elements.

But if the honorable elements only try to dodge the draft, then of course, what can Mis- -- General Marshall or General {Vandenberg} do but draft the -- the -- the -- the -- the convicts, the ex-convicts? And you still think that's -- that's the best. Into the army there only belongs a man who can be a veteran, because a veteran is a double-voter. A veteran, since he forces upon the country the disagreeable memory of the experience of a war, you see, has more weight. Just see what the lobby of the Legion to this day can do, because they -- everybody is afraid. And there is some right to this, gentlemen, that the veterans carry more weight than the civilians, the mere civilians, the playboys of this college. Why should you have any right -- you have -- you -- are not -- unable to draw on experience. You can only draw on your thinking. And I give a damn for your thinking. I respect your living, but I don't respect your thoughts. They are perfectly untested. They are just dreams.

And they cannot be respected in any legislation. What is tested in -- in any country and in life in general, gentlemen, is experienced life. That is highly respected. That g- -- that is -- it is just to listen to a man who has suffered, and who remembers the suffering of his comrade who has been killed in action, and you are immediately a good voter if you remember what your grandparents and parents did in order to build -- come to this country or to build it up. That's

perfectly legitimate that we -- your loyalties count. That is weightful.

But -- that's why I was -- really furious over this remark last time, that I was telling you these things because I was a German. And the Germans were interested in family and in -- in military life. Gentlemen, I have -- be -- I have been taught that Jews were prominent in Jew- -- in family life, and that the Americans were good soldiers. But you want to believe that you -- you are only good in sports, or in Hollywood. But it isn't true. This country is full of fighting spirit. These are very good soldiers. But you must come as -- as students, you must come to the rescue of this army, or it will be dishonored by all the criminals. And the illiterates. You have to introduce -- a first law that you must pass for the army is that nobody who has not literacy should enter the army. And the states of the union should compete for the best record with regard to the draft boards, that how they -- in the exam, when they enlist, you see, they come out, how many have to be discarded. And the state that -- Arkansas, with the lowest status of education, should have the smallest number of recruits. Then it should be a dishonor for the state that they can't even, you see, become soldiers. That's the only way in which you can handle this, not with the high standard of living, gentlemen, but by throwing out the low standard of education, of training, of material. It's -- third-rate material, you call it.

The -- the recruit, gentlemen, then makes us discover that our background is a real quality for the future of the nation, because this material means background, you see. What we have received before we enter the army, the stamina, the religious training, the physical training, the health, the teeth -- everything, the muscles, yes, the memories, the loyalties. But that is therefore not bad then to call it "material." It is that which the matrix, the formative period of life, the womb of time has delivered, has furnished. And there we come out of this womb and go into the army.

But gentlemen, there is today no recognition on your part that this is today in this country very, very pseudo, very wrong. You are only the objects of this, gentlemen. Wake up to the fact that you as students are responsible for your comrades in those -- in those camps. And -- you -- some of you must know how one suffers when one has only these -- these people with them.

I had a friend who entered the Civilian Conservation Corps voluntarily. First week, he had to sleep with a -- a boy who had murdered his father. Of course he had been pardoned -- sweet, dear little murderer, and -- and so he -- that was his first experience with another American youth. Because nobody cares in this country. If you can pardon the criminal, that's all you think is done. But what becomes of the body of man in which then such a pardoned convict has to serve? It's polluted. He cannot have the right to serve in an army. But you

have the honor of serving in an army. Instead you become ministers of the Gospel in order to dodge the issue, and the others go into the army.

So the second thing then -- this is -- gentlemen, if you see now the problem of an ar- -- organized army is that there must be a staff in the middle of all this which can govern, command, lead the extrovert and the introvert. And the mat- -- and train the material, and dismiss the veteran. Or "dismiss" is not quite the right word. But give him his send-off, his farewell. General Bradley is a good example, who was made the head of the Veterans' Administration after the war, as you may remember.

Gentlemen, these are the four functions of a general, and that's why you see he's in politics. He can't help being in politics. Not only -- only not the politics of a ward politician, but to think that military men, gentlemen, are separate, as you also think, by being professional soldiers, from the life of the country is a grave mistake. And the more you come to know that at this moment, we are getting a dose of military thinking into our civilization, into our order -- to overlook this would be a terrible mistake.

If you see this cross of reality, the inside is the soldier left to his own devices, relaxed. The "soldier on leave," I call it. You can -- also say the col- -- the -- the -- at leisure, the -- the soldier on leave, you see; the soldier in relaxation. Well, he -- the -- the general, Mr. Patton, or -- whoever it is, must impress the man on leave sufficiently that he comes back. And now in this country, they are not impressed. They don't come back.

I read the figure of -- of desertions in this army over the last two years. Did -- has anybody seen it, too? Was in the papers a short while ago. Well, it's simply appalling. Which means that once, you see, on leave, you don't return. Take to the hills. That is as bad as when a government cannot go back from peace to war, you see. This is a fairy tale. And if you have too many absentees, the -- the famous PWO people, no -- what is it? PWL?



(Away without leave. AWOL.)

(Absent without leave.)

That's it. AWL. Then you have of course no army. You have the fiction of a government, a fiction -- but we become the laughing stock of the world.

Desertions therefore come under the indictment that there is not enough generalship. There is not enough leadership. The commander-in-chief and his staff are responsible for this magic power of the transformer, the regenerator. There has to be then an army, gentlemen, not to consist of barracks. We throw all our money at this moment out of the window into these wonderful barracks, with all the plumbing. Lecture halls I've seen on the air fields and so. It's just fantastic. Every -- it can't be expensive enough.

But gentlemen, an army, as a church, doesn't consist of anything visible. The Swiss army is invisible. And it is mobilized within 24 hours. The people have their rifles in their homes, as you know. And they bring it to the -- to the -- place of mobilization, you see, because they are responsible for keeping it oiled, and geared, and in good shape. And the less the army externals are visible, the more life you have to have in this army. The same with the church. If you spend all your money on the church loan fund now, as they try to make us do, you see, it is -- only an -- argument against the clergy, the ministry. That they want us -- make believe that there is a church. The Church is of course in us. We are the Church. And the same is true with the army, gentlemen. The army is the power of transformation, of -- alternating people between -- from material, from recruit, to veteran, through the two stages of extroversion and introversion. Ca- -- because they -- the soldier on leave of course unfolds. He comes to know himself in all his explosive power. And therefore, you can't have one or the other. A trained army doesn't consist of robots, of people who only...

[tape interruption]

...tanks and...

[tape interruption]

...can I -- get this -- can I -- do you understand that the problem of life is never any one situation, but your power to alternate between these situations? You remember what we said about art, studies, sport, and ritual; young and old people. Well, we are here back to the same problem for the army, gentlemen. The problem of -- of the -- of real life is that you have to be able, under the right leadership, to shift between these four forms of human existence of the male sex. With woman, it is very different.

And therefore the term "leadership" assumes a very definite significance, gentlemen. A leader of men is a man who is so identified with the people led that he can ask them to lay down their lives. That's a very simple definition.

In this country there has been raging a battle for the last eight years over

the definition of leadership. And the psychology departments and the -- have tried to sell the army a bill of goods by which it was said that leadership is just a case of management. Now I -- we are going on from here to industry next time already. And I'm going to show you that management is the opposite from leadership, as everybody, by the way, feels when he hears the two words. To manage a man is the opposite from leading a man. The very simple criterion for this, gentlemen, that a leader can demand from any soldier, whether it's a religious cause or a military cause in its particular, I mean, where -- you speak of "leader," you can ask from a man to sacrifice part of his time, his money, his health, and finally his life. Sonst -- otherwise it is no leader. If you can't call back the man on leave, you see, who got drunk in the harbor and say, "My dear man, the ship is sailing," you see, then you are not his leader. And he doesn't come. It's obvious, you see. You are just -- you have just not functioned.

A leader is a man who can call back the introvert into extrovert state, and can risk his life, because the led considers the leader and himself sufficiently identified. There can be no gap between Patton and his men wide enough to allow the man to say, "Oh, Patton is rather bold. I better stay at home; it's too risky." If the Patton soldier doesn't say, "Because Patton is bold, I'm bold, too," he is not a soldier. And Patton's army couldn't have acquired the reputation of being really an army of a special character, of a -- great spirit. -- The condition is identity, gentlemen. Not identity of purpose, but identity of -- of personality. "If Patton wins, I'm willing to be killed in the process." Or because you -- the soldier knew, Patton also was ready to be killed in the process. So there we were. Identity of purpose.

In management it's the very opposite. No identity of purpose whatsoever. The man wants the high pay, and the management wants the goods. And the management has not the right to sacrifice one worker's life in the process. Obviously.

So management and leadership, gentlemen, will -- are the starting points for teaching you -- or seeing that industry, business, and the army must be run at -- on absolutely different principles. And since in this country the people try to run the army on management -- business principles, we s- -- overspend, and have these desertions, and we have no honor for -- being drafted into the army and all these things follow. They must follow, because it's a complete confusion, as though the army could be run by management.

And so this famous term "leadership," which Mr. Dickey -- and everybody in the country now -- uses all the time, leadership, leadership, leadership -- is strictly limited, gentlemen, to the cases in which you and the leader are so identified that it doesn't matter if one of you doesn't return home. And otherwise

you can't fight.

These are all very disagreeable facts of life, but they are there, gentlemen. It doesn't matter, when an army marches out, who is the one, whether it's general Dean, who is made prisoner, or whe- -- whether it is Private 2nd Class Smith, you see. It's identity. And otherwise we'll go -- everybody goes home. And there is no army.

So -- so I hope you have -- now at least seen that this army business, gentlemen, is very near your { }. And I think that you -- whole power as a voter and as a political man should be devoted to -- make sure that the United States get an army instead of a peacetime army. And get leadership instead of being everywhere intercepted by the management idea. The management idea is all for the externals, for the visible, you see. And -- and they are not -- do not understand what it is to have a spirit. The old militia had much more spirit, of course. There was nothing visible. Once a year, on Militia Day, as you know, the people of this country would be there on the spot. But when the Indians came, every man who carried a rifle and -- and would go shooting.

Thank you.