{ } = word or expression can't be understood
{word} = hard to understand, might be this

(Philosophy 10, February 19th, 1954.)

... that's the old American way of saying it, or -- "a man with a message," or "this man has something to offer."

So will you kindly take down this very strange rule, gentlemen: that the more central a truth is, the greater is the variety of me- -- ways in which it must be -- expressed. The greatest truth, therefore, must be expressed by everybody in his own terms. The smallest truth can be expressed by everybody in the same terms. Such indifferent things as that the earth turns around the sun you can express in mathematical and physical terms. But these are the laws about dead things. It is very indifferent what Mr. Einstein tells about relativity. It doesn't help you and me at all in your decision whom you should marry. Isn't that clear?

Therefore, gentlemen, to propose to a girl has to be done by everybody in a personal way. You know this very well. And they tell the story of a little prince in Germany who was going to die. And the people said, "You know, all great people die with the last word to the -- to their heirs and to their people. You have to say something good on the deathbed, so to speak. Give the blessing to posterity."

And "Well," he said, "But what should I say?"

And they said the -- "Goethe, the great poet said when he died, `More light.' And that's a good saying, isn't it? So perhaps you adopt it, and then we have something to tell the schoolchildren in our little principality." Would be very similar here to New Hampshire. What -- what is -- who is your great man here, the great senator?

[unintelligible]

Wie?

({Bridges?})

Well, Mr. -- wie?

[unintelligible]

We won't go into detail. And -- so it came to the -- to the dy- -- his dying hour. And the prince, being of course, a stuffed shirt and very formal, did sigh his last breath. And before he died, he said, "More illumination," you see. That was adequate for a man who lives, you see, by poems, and candlelight, and such things, you see, ritual. "More illumination." Goethe had said, "More light." You see, like the difference between the open air and a palace.

So it came out, even in the -- in the -- in this little prince's character that everybody speaks his own tongue. The highest moments, gentlemen, of life are the most personal moments. And the greater your power to live is, the more untranslatable will be what you have to say. And you are at the beginning of this travel into your own words. I call it "a journey into one's own speech."

On this journey into your own speech, which is your real life's journey, you see, that's real life -- the -- the journey into your own speech, that has just started. And at this moment, as you know, you -- you -- you don't want it this way. You always speak in these indifferent terms of "somehow," or "anyway," or "I don't care," or "well, anybody -- anybody knows," or all these wonderful statements which are no statements. If I -- if you add up the vocabulary of your daily utterances, it is just nothingness, absolute nothingness. You are all nihilists in this sense. All your terms are evasive. Not one of your terms is precise. Isn't that true? That's the slang of a college campus. The less you can be trapped by all your colleagues, the better you feel about your security. Nobody must know what you really think in a fraternity. So when a man there cri- -- tells dirty jokes, nobody tells him off, but everybody listens, so that nobody can know your real reaction to this off-color story. You are all hiding, all the time. That's your main occupation at this moment in life.

We'll see why this is. But I meant to say, the reports which you have to give me, gentlemen, are the first attempt of personalizing truth. It's a journey from my utterance into your language. That's why I do not wish to have notes regurgitating the -- the same words which I have used, you see. This is not interesting to me. That's why I want you, in the examinations, always to use all the notes which you have taken down, because that won't help you, the usage of the -- make use of these notes, as you know. It -- your work begins only after everything that I have said is brought back to your memory. It's -- I'm not interested in your repeating what I have said. Can you see this point? But I'm very interested in your digestion, in the metabolism, how -- from your point of view -- the same truth has to be expressed.

So gentlemen, the -- report therefore is one-half of the course, because nowhere else is it admitted in this college. It's -- again, it's considered, you see, unknown, although it's the bottom of Christianity. The bottom of the great word,

that in the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God. That you can only have a divine spirit in you if the Word in -- takes a special form inside of you. Otherwise you are not a child of God. You aren't. You are just a child of the devil, or the manu- -- factory system, or something like that, or statistics. Most of you want to be this. And you can become it. I mean, many people in this country try very hard to keep up with the Joneses. And the Joneses are the nothingnesses. People who can't speak.

I have written a whole book -- some of you know it, which -- in which I state that speech is fast disappearing from this country, that is the great pride of man no longer to be able to speak. The officialdom -- speaks of basic English, and the -- you say, "Damn it," or "Hell." And with these two words, and perhaps now, "Fuck," your vocabulary is -- exhausted. Your own vocabulary. The rest is just adaptation.

This is very serious, gentlemen, because everything is in a conspiracy today to tell you that this is so. The factory system wants people who do not speak, because in the face of the machine, speech is very troublesome. Formerly people did sing, or had choruses sing to them in the old -- guilds and crafts. That would be a disturbance. Now -- you can have now perhaps the loudspeaker blaring some jazz music, in a factory. That's -- at least a change. But on the whole, people are afraid of your having anything to say. So they try to talk you into the fact that you have nothing to say. And you believe it, too. Or that at least what you say, as you are very humble people, and very decently -- it doesn't matter what you say.

Now in the circulation of thought, I'll tell you: the fact that you say what I have said is the beginning of this thought becoming real. If you have the power, and if you even feel able to translate that what I have said into your own terms, the thing begins to become real. Then you verify that what I have said, you see, can be said by a real human being, but not by machines, because obviously if I take it down here on this disk, as it is taken down now, the regurgitation of what I have said would leave you out in the cold, you see. It wouldn't enter into your system of thought. Therefore it wouldn't circulate. But you believe, of course, that this is enough.

We have these mass media today who have falsified the process of the circulation of thought. And people say that if a thing is repeated 10,000 times, then it circulates. This is not circulation. Can you begin to -- to fathom this, you see? Because it doesn't take anything out of your system and puts it into it, you see. But take any brook. There's a source in the mountains. The water bubbles up. Then it comes down into the bed of this little brook. And immediately some -- soil must go into it. It has -- it's salty. It has minerals. It has some clay. It has some

soil. That's the goodness of the water. If it was rainwater, we wouldn't be able to drink it. Rainwater is not good for drinking. It's just good for the washing, as you know, because it is so soft that it -- just doesn't contain anything but H2 O. But you go to a spa -- what's the goodness of this source? That it has taken out of the -- its environment something, you see, and has put it into this water. There are very miraculous waters in this well { }. We have said -- put chlorine into it.

This is the question of living thought, of living water, of any living substance: that it is able to undergo metabolism, that it is able to say the same thing, in this case, of speech, in a -- different way. All this I had to say, instead of having Mr. Abraham read his paper. You forgive me A- -- Abraham, where is he? You forgive me if I do not now have it read ...

(Yes, I forgive you.)

... because we have spent all our time on this. But you are -- I have seen that you have done -- you have done right. You have just done this, you see. You have re- -- as you call it, recapitulated, and not verbatim.

So this is a great rule. And therefore, these reports, to convince you that these things become truer when -- by not being repeated literally. Gentlemen, that's against all mathematics, isn't it? In mathematics, the thing is only true when expressed the same way. Will you take this down, gentlemen? In the social sciences, something is truer in the more various ways it is expressed. In mathematics, it is truer, the more unilaterally -- the more -- you see, uniformly it has to be expressed. This is very miraculous. The reason is, gentlemen, we have conquered death only by monotony, by uniformity. Life is only mastered by multiformity, by diversity. A thing cannot live when it is monotonous. That's why we can't have a world state. We can't have a world government. The League of Nations is no good. Shareholding companies have no life, even regardless of Mr. {Young}, because everybody just has to say the same thing -- then is rated by money, by abstract figures, a share -- one share is like any other share. Well, it isn't true. In no company are a thousand shares owned by you the same as a thousand shares owned by the president of the company. They have a quality of their own, you see. But that's all negated in our construction of the last hundred years. Ja?

(Sir, why did you say that because there's one government, there can only be one speech, or one word, or -- or regurgitation of the same thing? In this country, we have -- the proletarians who apparently mouth off and teachers who speak a -- a different way?)

What is -- what are you driving at?

(Why must there be such a -- this -- this killing uniformity, because there's one -- if there's one government, a world government?)

Well, we must give you a passport to Russia. You must find out.

(But -- but that's ...)

One government, Sir, one government has only one fear: that it will cease to be one government. It has no longer to fear war. You see, it doesn't need an army for the outside. But it needs an immense FBI, and the FBI will clamp down every variety of speech. Have you read 1984? That's very natural. If there is no enemy outside, you see -- guns are very harmless compared to the fear from a conspirator, or from civil war, or from disobedience, or for undermining authority. You don't know this, you see. We -- you have lived here in this open club called "the United States of America" with a million people coming into a vast country for the last 150 years. That's not a state. That's not a government. You're just now discovering who Mr. Edgar Hoover is, and going to be. You're just at the beginning of a state. There has never been government in the true sense. The -- most of the actions of the Americans has consisted on breaking the laws. That's all new to you, tradition, you see. But a world government that wants to last more than one generation has to use violence, and has to clamp down on un- -- on any contradictions. It's just impossible. Power cannot be had otherwise, you see, without the fear of being overthrown.

And -- well, you see the nastiness of any politics. That's why politics always must be nasty.

(I wouldn't say -- )

You don't believe it, Sir, but just look into history. You just have to read up. We -- when Julius Caesar, you see, was killed by Brutus, the story began of the Roman Empire. After a hundred years, the whole nobility of Rome had been killed and murdered, or ended by suicide. In the year 70, when Jerusalem was destroyed, not only the state of Israel came to an end, gentlemen, but also the nobility of Rome had ceased to exist. There hasn't been one emperor born in Rome after the year 70. They came from Spain, from Africa, from Albania, from Illyria, because every good Italian family had been destroyed by the simple fact that the republic had given way to the monarchy. This is very serious, Sir. I can only speak from experience, you see. This is not that I want this this way. You understand, I'm not gloating over this. But that's the tragedy of -- you see, of such rule, of unity, complete unity.

You must -- imagine that all the people who didn't like it somewhere could

always go elsewhere. I have left Germany. I am in this country, you see. Now, ask around how many people in this country have left Europe because they didn't like it. See? Their ancestors. Now, otherwise, if they can't -- today nobody can emigrate. Therefore the explosive begins to be terrible. Now you have one state -- one government, nobody can leave it. So all the elements of -- of injustice, and upheaval, and rebellion, and youth, and regeneration, and creativity must, you see, put -- heat up the -- the tension. Look at all the people who have left Russia and are here, you see. This can no longer be repeated.

I give you a tragic story of this. There was a mis- -- a minister in Pennsylvania, a Mr. {Musselman}, the minister of the Mennonites. You know, the Mennonites are like the Quakers, people who don't bear arms. And they came to this country at the end of the 17th century. I have a friend in this sect, and his father was the leading -- head minister. And in 1936, it has been -- only to give you chapter and verse on this story, to show you what world government, you see, what consequences it has.

Here were these very good people who have made a -- quite a name for themselves in this country. Who knows Mennonites? That's very few. And -- we met in Stockbridge, Massachusetts, one summer. And he said, "I've just come from the deathbed of my father. And something quite strange has happened. My father blessed me and said, "My son, you must give me a promise -- make a promise." I don't like un- -- in itself this idea that man blackmails his son on his deathbed where you promise anything, just to comfort the dying man, you know, and it usually isn't true.

Don't promise your father anything on his deathbed, gentlemen. That's wrong. He has no right to ask such a promise. You must know this, because when you are taken by surprise, you will be sentimental, you see, and promise something. Tell him that you will do the best you can -- what you think right. But you can't promise him anything. That's blackmail.

In this case, however, it was a little different, because it had to do with his office. They -- he was a minister of the Mennonite Church, or sect, or -- denomination. And his son was, too, and would succeed him as president of the group, of the organization. And so Mr. {Musselman}, Sr., said to his son, "Look here. We have come to this country 250 years ago, because we were up in arms against the conscription then -- written out by the Austrian emperor. Here we are, and we have so far been conscientious objectors. But the time is coming, it seems to me that this country also -- the United States will have conscription, some universal training, some draft. You must promise me, my son, that you will work hard to keep the congregation in a state of health and vigor, so that when this law of conscription is passed, you can leave and take the whole Mennonite Church into

another country."

When this man -- the son came, quite fresh from this experience, he was very depressed, because he said, "My father died in good cheer, because he thought there was a country to which I would then be able to take the Mennonites. But there isn't. I know that." There isn't.

Now that's the other point, you see, about world government. You don't know how, for the last 5,000 years people have lived by their power to get away, you see. This -- this whole continent has lived by this fact. Don't you see that? And now you, as Americans, just say, "World government." That's tyranny. You would be the last who could breathe in such a world government.

I, as a European -- people in Paris in this atrocious, cruel, brutal, ugly city, which you love so much, which is the dirtiest, filthiest, and terri- -- most terrible city in the world -- it is, cruel city, you see. People have been cruel there and slaughtered each other for the last thousand years. And if you make Paris the s- -- capital of the world, it would be just a symbol of atrocity and cruelty. It is your na‹vet‚, your childishness that you think Paris is a beautiful city. It may look beautiful for -- I don't know that -- I don't even think it is so beautiful outside. But I leave this to other judges. But I only know that the soul of Paris is as dark as a dragon. And that comes from domination. This city has always, for the last thousand years governed France, you see, governed the spirit of the West. It's gruesome, brutal, heartless. Just read what happens now. Babies of -- dying from cold. Did you see in the papers this report? It was broadcast -- who -- who has seen it? Well, one priest had to get out, with all the Communists and socialists assembled in Paris, and all the Christians, and all the great Catholics, and the cardinal of Paris, and the bishop, and the monks, and the nuns. Two hundred people died from cold because there is no shelter in Paris, during the last great frost in -- in January. Typical of Paris. And one man -- one priest had the guts to go -- get to the radio and to say, "Well, let's do something."

That's -- happens when you have un- -- you see, uni- -- unilateral government. Paris -- nobody can do anything in France against Paris. And the Parisian is the -- the most cruel, indifferent, heartless person I know. The French aren't, but the Parisians are.

And -- and so, nothing has happened. These people -- not one house has been built for the poor since 1945 in France. They all have -- heeded to the -- the -- the -- council here of the Republicans not to do -- have any hou- -- public housing. Certainly they have no socialized medicine. Yes, but look at the illnesses and diseases in France. This is all world gov- -- it's all, you see, when you have some power that -- that has { } you. In Paris, nobody can move, you see. What

hasn't -- doesn't happen in Paris -- the provinces are dead. Can't happen elsewhere. The can't just -- they can't budge.

It's -- at this moment, there is a crisis, because the people in -- in France have now woken up to the fact that the worst has happened when they signed the armistice in order to save the block -- the stones of Paris in 1940. That was the -- is the great shame of France, you see, that in order to save the pretty -- the pretty looks of this harlot, Paris, that they -- they didn't fight, because otherwise, Paris would have had to rise from the ashes. And then the French would now be a healthy country, you see, because the giving-up of power, you see, is the condition of the -- of healthy power. Any power that is just there, you see, withers on the stem, and becomes stale. It's like a man who tries to live forever, like these old ladies who go d‚collet‚ at 72, you know. No breasts to show, yet they try hard.

This is the essence of -- power must be so risky, you see, under attack all the time, under onslaught. Thank God that there's Russia. The whole life of the United States hangs on this little bit of a threat of Russia. You would all have slept -- for the last eight years, you would all only -- do absolutely nothing, except by this fear of Russia. Everything that's good -- that has happened in America comes from the existence of Russia at this moment, from the check on your -- on your standard of living, that you do something that is more serious than the standard of living. That you sit here in this course, gentlemen, that you are interested in these topics -- this only comes because your generation at least knows that life is not so cheap. It is quite serious. And you -- you owe this all to the existence of one power that isn't -- is not within the American orbit. Do you think that if we were surrounded by Cuba only that people wouldn't go crazy here with -- with begging, and -- and -- and -- and -- and drinking?

Think of 1929, gentlemen. From 1920 to 1929, this country behaved as though it had nothing to fear. It behaved just as though no Russia existed. And it didn't exist at that time, as you know. The others you had conquered -- Germany was eclipsed. Austria-Hungary was destroyed. Turkey had ceased to exist. England and France were your debtors. South America -- well, there was no Peron even in Argentina. They only produced coffee. And -- so what -- what happened to this country? It went mad, absolutely mad, you see. Absolutely mad. Power drives any owner of power mad.

This is the terror. It's nothing healthy. It's a necessary evil. You need power, because not everybody does his duty. If you have murderers and thieves, you need police, you see. If you have treason, you need a secret police, you see. If you have laziness, you need proctors. And on it goes.

(So you need war, then.)

Wie?

(You need war.)

The -- the more wicked people are, the more war you need, of course. The war is the consequence of your sleep. And -- you see, since people are free agents in every generation, nobody can prevent you from going to sleep. This is so terrible. I would love to, you see, but then you would be -- you would have to be divine and not die. If you can edu- -- if your generation, my generation, we haven't perhaps learned the lesson, you see. How about your children, you see? Since you don't educate your children, they have to learn it all in the hard way themselves. Just think -- look. I told you, perhaps.

The other day I went to the Hanover Inn. Did I tell you this story here? Oh yes, I think I did -- with the five ladies and the one boy?

(No.)

Well, they came in to have lunch. There were five young mothers and one boy. I suppose they were all married, at least they -- or they had the impr- -- gave you the impression that they had suffered much.

The -- they were standing next to me for five minutes around the round table. The reason was that nobody dared to sit down because -- before the -- this boy of seven had expressed his preference for the seat which he was going to choose. Now, such a man -- boy, you see, since his mother, and his four aunts, or whoever they were, had declined to spank him in time, will have to go to war, you see, because he's ruined for life. If you spanked him now and said, "Sit down, you old {toad}," something might come to them, you see. But he has -- that would traumatize him. So he has to be traumatized in Korea.

Trauma meaning "wound," you see. It's nothing else. So since we do not want to traumatize a child, we have then the atomic bomb blown around his nose.

There has to be a moral equivalent of war, gentlemen. Former- -- people -- -ly people called this "religion." They called religion the equivalent of war, voluntarily suffered. But today, religion even is just sugar -- raisins. Hasn't anything to do with suffering. It mustn't be mentioned that Christianity is based on suffering, you see. The people wouldn't come to Sunday school, you see. You see, nothing is serious, anymore, in the world outside war. So God in His -- since He must talk to us in some form, He talks to us through war. But if you have a world government, that's just unthinkable, you see, that everybody will have to smash this -- tyrant. Even the most peaceful one would then become -- have to

become a rebel, so that justice is restored, and vigor and life.

You have great illusions about government, and about people. You really -- you had a woman schoolteacher, for too long a time. You believe in the goodness of human nature.

(This moral equivalent of yours is based on threat and fear.)

Oh no. On voluntary sacrifice. It's the opposite. The moral equivalent of war means that if everybody at 18 knows that for five years he has to be out in the cold, you see, and do the things that legislators and laws cannot do, that then the world would probably be in a shape that no -- no army would be needed, because all these people, you see, who are -- have driven themselves, wouldn't need a policeman behind them, or uniform, to make them behave. But you don't serve.

I have this question now with two of my friends, who -- want to become ministers. But they have a conscience. And they know that it isn't so simple to escape the draft simply because you are a minister and ha- -- in theological school. And they feel they must offer some kind of service outside this -- this 4-F business, you see. And they are quite serious; it's a very difficult problem, because they feel the minister shouldn't have this exemption automatically. Quite the contrary. He should have more feeling for service, not less. And that is your problem in your own conscience too, gentlemen: what is the draft -- what is the -- what is the board -- your draft board in your town? They cannot -- they cannot decide whether you should -- must serve or not. That's your decision.

(Can there -- is there no form of government by which you can have this expression of -- freedom of expression and 2, the -- some sort of driving force other than fear to motivate the people?)

Oh, it isn't fear in itself. The government has the fear, not the people. You understand thi- -- misunder- -- these are all slogans which you have not -- never --. You think we -- I don't uphold -- obey the laws from fear, and you don't obey the law from fear at this moment in this country. This is nonsense. Nobody does. Because we feel it's just. But the government has fear. In this country, it's very lenient. Just the fear of the next election. But if you have a world government, it's the fear of the -- that parts of the world will secede.

You misunderstand the word "fear." You and I, law-abiding people, don't fear. We obey. Although that isn't very fashionable to say. But it's a great honor, gentlemen, to be -- obey the law, because it's just -- makes you into a righteous creature. But the governor has all the time the fear that somebody might not

obey. The prisoners, for example, might break out of the jail, and don't they? Isn't that true? Now, who has to be afraid? The cop who -- who guards -- the jailer has to be afraid. He has fear. Not the prisoners. The prisoners leave -- break jail because they have not enough fear. Therefore the jailer has terr- -- -mendous fear, because he may lose his job. You may say he's a poor jailer. You see, because he depends on -- on -- on, after all, on delivery of his governmental function.

No, no. It's all the other way around. You have only very cheap slogans. Gentlemen, obviously you have never thought about government. You only have heard the slogans of democracy, that in other countries people have obeyed by fear, and you -- from freedom. That is simply not true. Neither in Russia, nor in Germany, nor in Austria, nor in any country of the world do the people obey from fear, because nine-ten- -- 90 percent of the laws of a country are usually quite reasonable. That you can't steal, and you can't murder, you see, and you can't drive on the right-hand side, as in Czechoslovakia all the cars have to drive left, or in England and vice versa here. The laws are not so stupid. There may be some laws you do not like, but the majority of laws is right, you see. However, the government always fear that there is somebody who would like to govern. And that's the fear.

(Sir, what if people took religion seriously, and we had a world government based on religious principles? Do you think there'd be wars then?)

There can be -- state and Church are two different things. You can have religion, Sir, yourself, you see. But you can't have the world government from religion, because you only have as much government as the people may not have a religion. The state is a terrestrial power -- would you take this down? -- which always has to act when -- because nobody is sure that all people have religion. So the state has never anything to do with the Church.

If everybody had faith, love, and charity, and hope, you see, obviously we would all live in paradise. No state. Now, with every chance that you haven't enough religion, because you are lazy -- laziness is the greatest power in the world, obviously -- most of us are lazy -- so certain things are not done. For example, you do not clean your streets. So you have to have a health -- a public health service that says, "There's too much litter on the street." There the evil begins, because you get a police. You get suspicion. That is, the mayor of the city says, "I suspect that two-third of the students in Hanover throw around more litter in the streets than they burn up, or put away, or collect." And that's true, if you think how many empty cigarette papers you throw down, or how many matches. I mean, the litter that you and I put out far surpasses the cleanliness which we produce. Isn't that true? Now as soon -- your balance, your equilibri-

um, you see, is out of order, somebody else has to clean it up. Isn't that so?

Who has attended Mass? Well, gentlemen, the greatest thing about Mass is that the priest has to wash and to clean the cup after the m- -- and the plate after the Mass. That's the greatest revelation. That's the greatest miracle, because the expenses of life there are registered and really {recognized}. That's why the Christian cult is not a superstition, gentlemen, but the truth, by the simple fact that the priest has to clean the cup, which he has defiled -- or I mean which -- has become dirty, has been used, because who in -- you and I, gentlemen, think -- think straight about this -- who doesn't cause more litter, more dirt, you see, uses more porcelain than he is willing to clean up? If you can get away, you don't wash up.

And therefore the Mass has not only the { }. You cannot understand the process of the Mass if you think it's just this moment of the communion, you see. That's -- like taking a medicine, an aspirin. That's not the communion service. The communion has the greatness that it illuminates every act in life as be- -- coming up to its fruition, the moment you and I take this, you see, and then going through with the whole patience and dignity through the process of enabling you be- -- to become free of this act again and be able to start life again. And for this purpose, as you know, the container, the cup, has to -- finally to end up in its appointed place, inside this little drawer, inside this -- where it is kept.

And that's the wisdom of the human race, to make this a part of revelation. If the citizens of New York would only know this, the dirt in New York wouldn't be half as bad. They go -- don't go to Mass, and when they go to Mass, I'm afraid they don't understand it. They just go to Mass, because it's a -- the routine. But they don't understand what is offered them there, how much light is shed there on their own ways -- life's way. They have no idea what it is. It's just this little thing, if you want to eat and to drink, you also have to clean the dishes. This to you seems very little, gentlemen, and it is tremendous.

And this has all to do with world government, because, gentlemen, if everybody knew this, you wouldn't have to have a government at all. But since nobody knows it, you see, that he makes more expenses, you see, to the community than he brings in, you get more and more services. And it's all enforced. And you are suspected. And you have to have a passport. And you have to have papers, and you have to have references, because people say, "I don't know. He may be decent, but," you see, "it is -- I don't know." Suspicion breeds government, you see; and faith belie- -- breeds peace. Nothing is more expensive than war, and nothing is cheaper than peace. And government is always in between.

Who took 9? Well, you know what we have to say there about war, do you? --

that when we don't pay the price for peace out of the last war, you see, when the cost of peace is forgotten, the next war breaks out. You remember?

War is nothing immoral, gentlemen. You are immoral. I am immoral. That's why there's war. But to attack war and say, "Well, war is bad" is ridiculous. War is normal when we don't behave as human beings. And who does -- can say of himself that he doesn't get more than he gives? You all want to get something for nothing. Anybody who gets something for nothing makes for war. Anybody. This country with all its oil, we get something for nothing at this moment.

All these six billions, you see, and then every senator coming up with the hypocritical face and saying, "It's terrible that the butter is allowed to drop down by eight cents," because in these small states, these senators are still elected by the farmers, whereas in truth the farmers, as you know, are only a very small fraction of the population who -- who have been, so to speak, bribed by -- by the -- Mr. Murray and the CIO. This whole farm program was a very bright idea of the CIO, to buy the farmers' vote.

No, gentlemen. It's the avowed policy of every party, of every group in this country to promise the electorate something for nothing. Therefore this country is constantly making for war, because you can't do it. Whether it's the watchmaker, who can go to sleep, because Swiss watches cannot be introduced and imported, or whether it's the -- the -- here the butter price, or whatever you have, somebody gets something for nothing. And that's the whole policy in this country. And nobody's ashamed.

When Mr. Chesterton, the great English humorist and Catholic, came to this country in 1919, you see, he said, "This is really the oddest country in the world."

They asked him, "Why?"

"Well," they -- he said, "I'll tell you. When I arrived, I just read an editorial in the New York Times in which it was quoted that psychologists and sociologists had -- and advertisers -- proclaim that they could make the public buy anything."

Think of this {farm bank} business, this -- you know.

"And they added," Mr. Chesterton said, "they add even that they -- can make people buy anything they do not need."

So this is a country based on cheating, because if I can -- make people buy things they do not need, this means I make cheating the law of the country. And we glory in this. It is the official religion of this country, gentlemen. This is why

this is the most bellicose country in the world. There is no more aggressive country than this. The Russians are peace-lovers. They are -- fear -- they live by the fear from us, you see, for the last eight years. They are terrified. And of course, they are very -- very -- I mean, they have persecution mania. But we are aggressive. They -- the Russians do not promise their people something for nothing. But we do, all the time now. No government can do this successfully, you see, because there's just not -- not enough to go around.

Well, let's go back, gentlemen. We have here seen now, gentlemen, that we live in a strange country, in a country where rule is without teaching. That is, the ruler, the politici- -- what you call the politician is a man who is only out to rule, and never declaring what is right, with regard -- is he the exception or is he the rule? We made this point.

You will perhaps now see the -- the connection, that to be leading in one's own life, to be of age, would mean to rule oneself, you see, to teach one, to teach -- that is, to express what in one's own life one approves of, and of what one disapproves, because we all do things we disapprove of. "Teach" means to make known what I consider in my own life the rule and what you -- I consider the exception. You remember what I said when -- when I say, "Excuse me." I simply state that this shouldn't be the rule.

So gentlemen, we said the spirited man, the inspired man has in alternation ready teaching and ruling, and -- tolerate to be named for his own desserts. The hypocrite tries not to get his name for what he rules and he teaches, you see. So he doesn't dare to be named for what he really says. There is no honesty in his character.

And -- so hypocrisy, gentlemen, cheap politics, and martinet teaching -- routine teaching, teaching by itself, ruling by itself, and getting a name for nothing, so to speak, without -- in -- with no relation to my real acts of life, would be the uninspired people: teachers who only teach, rulers who only rule, you see -- and hypocrites who only are out to be seen on Park Avenue church on Sunday morning and leave nothing behind, you see, but this sham and fiction, this smokescreen of -- around their vices.

The -- we said that -- the last word we had last time was: the spirit always means the power to express the same thought, the same mental, conscious process, you see, in acts of rule, in acts of teaching, or in the way in which we allow the world to know what we have done so that they can judge in our place, to lay open -- lie open before the world, you see, with the openness of a child, with the innocence of a child. Here, take me for what I'm worth.

Now, gentlemen, how do we get to this place? Who can rule? Who can teach? Who can say that he has allowed this triangle of what I think, what you think, and what you tell other people that they should think of me, that this triangle comes to this solution at my -- at my -- on my deathbed, that this -- these three things make sense? That would be the -- as we -- you see, the -- the peaceful end of a life, that what I think of myself, what you say to me, what you think of me, and what you say behind my back, that is all identifiable. Isn't that -- you remember? That's the solution of life. Gentlemen, it's a long way to Tipperary. Where -- how do we get there?

Let me put this down now in a very simple list, from the beginning on. Nobody can have a name who cannot speak, and has heard what his name is. So the first command that you all undergo is to listen in your youth. The second command, gentlemen, is that you learn to read. That is, you don't wait till somebody speaks to you. To read means to look for the things as we shall see. I'm -- just put down the list first. {We'll talk} of it. Then you have to learn some things out of which -- what you have heard and read, and then there is much time in life. Most of the time you do -- at this moment, you do play. These would be the intellectual commandments of your youth.

Now, you can see that to listen corresponds to ruling. Where there is a ruler, there is a listener. St. Francis called his own body his "donkey," because he ruled his body. Therefore, listening is the part, you see, that corresponds to rule in old age, in maturity. A soldier must first listen to the command, and that's already three-quarters of his virtue. The second, read, consists of course -- no, I haven't -- no, no, no, no. I'm -- I have to be -- be careful not to mix up metaphors. Teach and learning, read and be ruled; and this would correspond to the -- to the hearing one's name and leaving a name. We'll see this in a moment.

Play, gentlemen -- what does this mean? Is this a full mental attitude for -- yes. At this moment, you are playing with thought, because it has no immediate consequences. You can postpone this -- the decision whether this is serious with you. Some thought flashes through your mind. But you also play outside. We all have to play, gentlemen, before the hour strikes, where we are called in.

So when a child begins to listen, a baby, it then goes -- begins to read, and then fi- -- learns a language, for example, or mathematics. It has always still not -- no knowledge when this will be really demanded. Take a boy who learns zoology at 15, and he will -- wants to be a doctor. But he won't be a doctor at 2- -- before he's 25, so he has to do some playing in the meantime, because this has to be stored away -- away for the hour of application.

When you -- who goes into politics? Anybody? Nobody will admit it. All right,

you all go into politics. Good, good. So -- such a man has to play a long time, because some time he may not be appointed for his office which he really wants to hold, before he's 50, you see, or 60. Therefore such a man must play a very long time. To play means, gentlemen, to gain time. While we play, you see, we postpone -- suspend judgment, and we won't be committal -- committed. President Roosevelt -- Franklin D. Roosevelt is so exting- -- distinguished a politician, because he was able to play around so long. Although he was very serious in his ambition to become president, he also had this great power to wait long enough until he was the -- the man of the hour, which he was in '33. That was his -- his great political flair, which has little to do with -- with morals, or virtue, gentlemen. To be in politics, know when to play. The old Gladstone, in England, who was a very great politician, when he was out of power, he would saw up wood -- oh, wood, the hardest wood he could get, because he knew that he had to protect himself from action, that the mystery of his political existence was to do nothing for several years, which is terribly difficult, you see. Most people are far too impatient in politics.

You know that Mr. -- that is the fate of Mr. Stevenson, that he had to run for president four years too early. He wasn't allowed to play. He knew it. He said, "Please don't make me a candidate. You use me up too early. I can be a successful candidate in '56, you see, but I can't be in '52." He was very wise, but he hadn't the guts to stick to his -- you see, to his knowledge. If he -- had been a fullfledged politician, and if he was ever to be president, he would have not, you see, allowed them to make him a candidate. But this shows that he will never be president, because a presi- -- serious choice at the wrong moment, out you go. Out you go. Same with Mr. Dewey, I mean, in a small way -- I mean, president -- the governor of New York. This is impossible. A candidacy on -- at the wrong time, you see, is impossible.

Therefore, gentlemen, we all have to play. But playing is something very serious, because it doesn't mean -- it means that you -- the playing is important. The playing is only important if you have something to live for which is serious.

Take Falstaff and -- and Prince Hal. The prince -- you see, what is a prince of Wales? Something terrible, you see. Loathsome figure. Edward VII of England did the same. So he was the most famous Englishman always went -- visiting the brothels of Montmartre. He was so bored, then he was -- made a very good king. And the same with Henry V, in England, you see. Again, same story. As a prince of Wales, bored stiff, you see, and then a very good king. Now the duke of Windsor, you see -- he was abused by his father, and he al- -- he had always to be serious. He always had to represent the British Empire, in Canada and other places. So he hadn't played enough, so ...

[tape interruption]

... simply the people who look the most lascivious, frivolous, and -- and forgetful at this moment, you see. And the man who's working his head off, he may be a very virtuous person, but he's poor in politics. In politics, you must always be able to say, "It's not yet time. It's n- -- too early, you see, or "It's too late. I won't -- I won't touch it anymore. That's all over. It's warmed-over dishes. Nobody will eat them."

I only mean to say it's very hard for you to understand, gentlemen, that when you get into this play state, in which you are now, as students, obviously, later in life, that everything you think at this moment takes on this special color of the arbitrary playfulness. That is, for example, you play with the idea of becoming president. Now, this means that while you are playing, the office of president loses it in -- in some ti- -- { } way, because you play with it. And we all play, because we are all out of tune.

Gentlemen, play is the way of catching up with the real time of the human race, with maturity. Therefore in playing, you have to watch out that you don't become cynical. Most people, because they experience this power of playing with things, attach to the thing they play with the same playful character that this moment in their own life actually has. Now if you think, for example, playful about religion, religion will take on the coloring of something childish. If you play with politics, it will become so childish that you'll dream up a world government, because you don't know how serious that is. It's just -- costs you nothing. It looks so nice on paper, you see. Geometry is for children, you see. Just these nice graphs. Statistics for children, because it is playing with things.

Obviously, gentlemen, if you are told that 99 actors are hams who can't find work, that doesn't prove that you aren't the hundredth actor who will be a great actor and have to be -- go to the stage. Statistics never solved anything for a serious person, because he doesn't know whether he is -- going to be the exception or the rule. Now, no statistic is 100 percent. How do you know that you aren't the one percent, you see? Statistics can't tell you this. But you all play with statistics, you see. If I see how you handle your own future by professional statistics, of jobs and so on, I shudder, because you treat yourself just as a plaything. You play with these figures, and you say, "Well, it's not very probable that I can get on in this job, because it's crowded." Well, gentlemen, the statistic has never seen you.

As you know, the greatest speaker of antiquity was -- was a -- a stammerer. The greatest actor of our time in Germany was a man called {Bassermann}, whom I happened to know. He had a broken voice. He ran around, when he was

young, from one doctor to another. They said they couldn't cure him. Then he went from one -- producer to another, and they said they -- he couldn't become an actor, because the first thing an actor had was a voice, who -- which you could understand. And they all laughed at him. He sounded funny, you see. And by every evidence, you see, to play well, he couldn't become an actor. He became the most successful actor. He was then out in Hollywood, as you may know, {Bassermann}. And has now gone, at the age of 75, back to Germany as a very -- very celebrated -- still acts. I was quite a young man when I tutored his -- his nephews; and so we lived together. He told me this story, how -- that it was his making, that everybody had said he couldn't become an actor, you see. That caused him to become one.

So gentlemen, this is your first, the stage of which I have to say the most at this moment, the play stage, because it's terribly serious. It colors everything you think now about real life. You think, for example, that because playfully speaking of things, without necessity, it isn't a good idea to become something which is difficult, you see, that you have to find something which is easy. Now obviously, gentlemen, nobody can live without doing something that is difficult. If you base your choice on the fact that this is easy for you, you become the worth- -- most worthless not only, but the most unhappy creature on earth. The only thing that's worth doing is that which is difficult for a lifetime, because gentlemen, you may do something that is easy as long as you play, but you can't fulfill your life if you base your decision on easy or difficult. It's just no -- no, you see -- the question is, "Must you do it, or must you not do it?" And this depends on the -- what the country needs, what your soul needs, what your wife needs, et cetera. But all -- very serious questions, you see. None of these questions is so cheap. The playful question is, "What is easy?" because play is easy. Therefore it's not a good question for any serious decision.

If you had asked Mr. MacArthur, "Is it easy to land in Inchon on September 14th, 1950?" he -- had to say, "No, it was very difficult." And therefore, as you may know, all the generals and admirals in Washington wired him not to land in Inchon. It was too difficult. But he said, "It is the only action which will finish the war -- which will win the war. Therefore it is a good reason to do it, because it is difficult and the enemy doesn't expect us to do it. If we do something easy, the enemy will defeat us," you see. "But since we do something difficult, the enemy will be taken by surprise."

So gentlemen, down with all these rules which they give you in this -- here, in this modern world, to do the easy thing. Gentlemen, the easy thing is -- is worth nothing. It has nothing to do with your life. The easy thing is the automat. The easy thing is that the water runs downhill. The interesting thing is the fountain, in which the water bubbles up. We admire this for its beauty. Then we become --

sit back, and take stock, and we go to such a jardin publique where the -- where you have -- how do you call it? A -- yes, a fountain, or do you call it here?

(Geysers?)

Wie?

(Geysers?)

Some geysers. There you go, look at it, because it's difficult.

Gentlemen, these things to be -- to live -- I mean, a girl that is cheap and sleeps with everybody, of no interest. But a girl who sleeps with nobody, very interesting.

Gentlemen, I had to say that much, because you must learn that every mental phase of your life colors your thinking. You can think in a playful mood, "Man is free." And you can think at the Cross that man is free, to curse his creator, and say, "My God, why hast Thou forsaken me?" And that's a great difference.

It is the dif- -- word on the Cross is not said in a playful mood. If you say, "There is no God," that's cheap. Nobody cares. You can say anything at this moment. You should not discuss serious things at this moment, if you aren't clear about the fact that you are, at this moment, allowed to play with everything. This is necessary. Playing is necessary, because you are not at this moment ruling the country. And you have no jobs. I'm all for your playing, gentlemen, but what I'm trying to say is, because you play, it colors, you see, your thought. And you have to make -- reduce the play-coloring if you want to know what you really think.

That's why it is so cheap at this moment to say that -- that you are honest people, and you will not abuse power, and you will not go to war. Well, gentlemen, in this mood here, you see, the only thing we can do is here go to the restroom. There is no serious action needed from us in any other way in this -- such an empty classroom. Here are no beautiful women over which to quarrel. Here is no gold. Here is no land. Here is no real competition with anything -- for anything. No greed. Nothing, you see. No jealousy, therefore. We are all very noble spirits at this moment, Sir, you see. So you can dream of world government; costs nothing, because we are just heads here. Heads can agree on anything, you see.

But when you come into the real life, gentlemen, then you want to have a beautiful house for your wife. And somebody else won't get this beautiful house. And you will be the vice president of the company, and somebody else will be the unskilled worker. And he cannot afford the house. And don't cheat me, and

don't say you want to be the unskilled worker. If you would do this, and ask your wife to live in a hut, in Pennsylvania coal mine district, you see, where you have not white -- one white sheet, because there's so much coal dust -- if you can convert your wife to your own playful sacrifices, then we can talk again, you see. But this wife will tell you that she needs television, and she needs a gramophone, and if she possibly can, she would like to move out of the coal mines of Mr. Lewis, you see. And their -- her son -- and your son usually does not become a coal miner again, if he can help it. And that's serious, where you have wife and children in the same position.

Perhaps you take this down, gentlemen: the playful attitude is marked out by the fact that you have no heirs which must share your own way of life. As soon as you are willing to bring on on your wife and children that which you choose in this playful attitude as the moral -- you see, aesthetic, wonderful, abstemious way of life, then we will begin to believe it. That's why the sects -- the Mennonites are great people, because they have meant business for the children and their wives, you see. And that's why these modern pacifists are such -- ridiculous, because they think this out in classrooms, in theological seminars, you see, where no life happens. It's all play. It's out of time. Play means to have nothing to do with the real decisions that have to be made in the length of time.

Got it? This point?

Now, gentlemen, we can first see how important it is that you have another attitude in this college, too. Half you play. But half you also doubt. In order to know, gentlemen, what to rule -- how to rule, and how to teach, a man must come to know that everything can be made a rule, and everything can be made an exception. Dou- -- to doubt means not to know what is the rule, and what is the exception. You don't know what doubting is, usually. But that is the great character of doubting: to question which then is the rule, and which then is the exception. The greatest two question, gentlemen, is between love and sex, and the second between suicide and suffering. When a man says that he can take his own life, he says, "There's a limit to my suffering." So he has, you see, put the two things -- what's the rule, and what's the exception -- on the balance of his decision.

Now it is the rule of life that we must suffer. I don't think it's -- can be made the rule of life that we must take our lives. You however, as long as you play, will say, "No one must suffer." Therefore, if you enter the spirit of a college, you begin to doubt, and as well as to play. You are on this, here on this watershed, gentlemen. As a child, you play at this moment. As the future ruler and teacher of the human race. As a father of your -- children, you must begin to doubt. And there you have the serious character of thinking immediately put before you,

because to doubt means not to know yet what is the rule, and what is the exception.

What you think scientific doubt -- or who cares whether water is composed out of hydrogen or oxygen? That's for chemists. But you have to doubt whether it's a good thing, for example, to go -- to have an army, standing army and the draft, or not. What is the rule, you see? Is the -- war the exception, or is war the rule? That's the decisive question before this country, you see. Once you understand that war is more normal than peace, you see, you will think very differently about life than you have thought for the last 50 years in this playful country, where people were surrounded by peace, and abundance, and luxury and didn't know that they lived on the unreadiness of the rest of the world to begrudge and to envy the riches of this country, which is a natural thing to do.

And it is very unnatural that the other -- the have-not nations should say, "We let the Americans have 50 percent of all the goods of the world." That's perfectly abnormal. Why should they? You take it for granted because the -- I don't know for what threads -- or threads -- of -- of -- how do you call this, sewing material, I mean -- for this silver -- silky -- silky threads, you believe Monroe Doctrine. You write some law: nobody can attack the United States. So the rest of the world will say, "Of course, they said they can't -- we can't attack them. We must obey their orders."

That's by and large your -- your dream, Sir, with your -- with your -- with pacifism, and world order. The natural thing is that the 2,000 billion people on this globe band together against us poor 160 million and say, "What they have, we can have, too. Let's take it."

That's normal. That's natural. You have to doubt what's the exception and what's the rule. The greatest doubt today has -- in order about war and peace. The sooner you wake up to the fact that peace is a miracle, and law -- war is the law, the more exceptions you may be able to establish. I'm all for peace, gentlemen, but you don't know how -- difficult it is to have peace, because it is the exception. Peace is exceptional, and war is the rule. You say the opposite. I doubt your wisdom, and you doubt my cruelty. You say I'm just brutal. I'm cruel. But I'm not cruel, gentlemen. Reality's cruel. What can I -- it's not my fault that I say such unpleasant things. It's not my fault that this 7-year-old boy has to be told to sit down, you see, and is not allowed to choose and make five grownup people stand around five minutes. But you think it's nice that this boy is treated this way, you see. It's so nice.

Life is not nice. Have you ever seen a birth? Of an animal or a woman? Life is not nice, gentlemen. Life is -- is just blood, sweat, toil, and tears. No -- no, you

haven't been born as a nice event. It's a very unclean event. It's a terrible event. Life is terrifying. You won't hear this. You don't wish to know that life every moment is born at tremendous risk, at the risk of the life of your mother. Why should you have any cheaper life than your -- your mother had, or your wife will have? You also have to buy life for -- at tremendous cost. But you don't wish to ha- -- hear any horror stories, any terror. You go to western movies, you see, where people shoot any number of shots, but nobody ever cries. And nobody ever weeps, you see. They're all shot dead on the ground in these western movies. But nobody even moves a -- hair -- a lid -- how do you say?

(Eyelash.)

What?

(Nobody bats an eyelash.)

Ja, exactly. Thank you very much.

So gentlemen, if you really would be stu- -- were students, as people in Europe used to be students -- I don't know if they still are, you would doubt. But you would doubt your own, gentlemen, and you wouldn't doubt the unpleasantness of the world. But you would doubt whether you haven't been spoiled, whether he -- you haven't been brought up in a play house and not in reality. You come from 20 years of an idyll -- -dyllic existence.

Now I'll gi- -- tell you a great secret. I haven't told to anybody yet. And that's saying quite something. I've told many things to many people in my life. I made a discovery. The greatest doubt, gentlemen, the center, which -- obviously enables you at this age to doubt is your relation to your -- the persons you love, of the other sex. As you know, there is a cynical attitude to the bawdy life of the sexes. And there is a sublime attitude, a poetical attitude, a worshiping attitude. And man is at your age exposed to two attacks of the flu of love, the influence of love: the cynical and a reverential. And it may occur -- you may have in one day two ways. Isn't that true? Anybody who has this -- this smallpox at all.

Now it seems to me, gentlemen, that this doubt comes from a very interesting social reaction, that it is not your private doubt. It's not an intellectual, rational thing as you always think thought is. You remember, I tried to show you all this time through, in these courses, that we all depend on somebody other's opinion -- about us, as to the fruitfulness of our own thinking. We cannot go on thinking if we think that the other people just laugh at us or are going to put us in an insane asylum for our thoughts. It's very risky. Now gentlemen, it seems to me that jealousy turns our thinking about sex sour.

I read up on this in Shakespeare, the Winter Tale. And I found that the cynicism, the bawdy and -- and dirty talk, it's never filthy -- it's very vigorous in Shakespeare -- the obscenities of his language always come when he thinks that he's betrayed, that's -- his love is not responded to. I think that in your fraternities, the cynics who boast of their exploits are the people who know that they are not loved. They are jealous. They are afraid that the world might think that they -- nobody wants to love them. So they boast. And they are down on the women, and they describe all their physical charms in the most cynical expression, and with the most uncouth words. It seems to me then, gentlemen, that there -- it is quite wrong to put doubt into the cell of solitude, as though it was not the reaction of the world -- of us to the world. At your age, doubt begins to be very big, what the world will say to you, whether the girls will listen to you, whether the world will make you president, whether you will be successful. It's a very terrible time which your age group lives. I wouldn't return -- like to return to it. At least my time was hell. It is very difficult to be 20 years of age. You try to be 15 years of age to make it easy, to play. That only means that the -- the terrible -- terrible times come later. Some of you look so happy that I really think you cannot -- are not students. You don't study. You don't -- you are not terrified with war and peace, for example, or with the real cost of existence.

Gentlemen, if you however begin to doubt, I think the deepest reason is that you still have 60 years to go to find out what the world will say to you, so that it becomes quite important to decide, you see, on which law, and on which exception you will {bank} you life, like my friend {Bassermann} who against all the laws of probability becomes an actor. And he has to doubt, of course, very heavily, inside himself, whether he's not a crazy.

Now, take this suggestion. I think that we could put the whole question of doubt under the -- under the ups and downs of love and jealousy. When we have reason to be jealous, we are -- become cynics. When we have reasons to be happy, because people love us -- your mother, your friends -- then we are reverential, and worshipful, and poetical, and lyrical and -- and peaceful. You see, the great discovery is, if you go to the psychoanalyst today, he'll tell you that man is ambivalent, and man is -- and the reason can tell you anything. It is -- the Kinsey Report is one aspect. Mr. Kinsey doesn't know that all the people who he interviews are jealous. They would like to be loved more. They would be perfectly agreeable to -- to -- to -- to be happy, really -- happy in love, but they are. So they must all take refuge in substitutes. Their whole doubt comes from the fact that since they haven't yet found the full response, they must have any number of intermediary -- either playful or willful -- substitutes for their fulfillment.

Gentlemen, we doubt this side of fulfillment, this side of certainty, obviously. And the greatest uncertainty a man is -- this question: is he loved? Loved by his

people -- not only by -- you see, we say of Washington, he was loved by his countrymen. What's the greatest sentence? Father of his country?

(First person to lead in the hearts of his countrymen.)

First in the heart of his countrymen. Gentlemen, how old was he when -- was he, when he knew that, when he was the first in the heart of his countrymen?

[unintelligible]

70s. Don't you think? When is he born?

(17-{ }.)

Wie?

(1732, wasn't it?)

1732. And he died in 1800? 1799? Wie?

(Yeah.)

So gentlemen, this is very simple to say at the end. He has -- he is this man who has left a name, you see, where -- what he thinks of himself and what the people think of him coincide. That's Washington's end result. But then, for 70 years, you can't be so sure. When Jefferson attacked him as the -- as, you see, the king, a man who wanted royalty, you see, or when the British -- his British friends attacked him as a -- as a traitor. There was no countryman who -- in whose hearts he could be the first, because the American nation was just to be created. There were 300 Loyalists, most of them his intimate friends who had all to flee from Can- -- to Canada. And you think that -- what we know what they said of -- of Washington, because we have his letters in which he defends itself -- himself against them.

So to be the first in the hearts of your fellow men, gentlemen, you obviously have to doubt very heavily first, because that can only come about after a long period in which it is very { } and in as far as you feel that they do not give you the love you deserve, you will be cynical.

So we make this connection, gentlemen: the cynic originates from his uncertainty and uncertainty in love is always jealousy. It's the general term, you see, because uncertainty in love means "I am not loved enough." That's -- always leads to jealousy. And the other thing is when I feel that there is fulfillment at

least coming to me one day, I { }, you see, {up} and express this -- the oth- -- the opposite point of view, that life is very much worth living.

So you see, gentlemen, in your doubting stage, you really probe quite deeply into your relation to the world, but not as -- with reason. You propose with your heart. Your heart is not sure whether it will -- make the connection with the rest of the world, so that you will be first with the hearts of your countrymen, or of some countrywoman. And the other -- day you say you will. And up and down it goes.

You see the difference between your attitude -- your -- as with regard to doubt? You have isolated doubt as though it was the question whether the earth was round or oval. These are very mediocre doubts, you see. The real doubt anyone has at this moment is: what am I going to become? What's going to become of me? Out of this doubt all the scientific doubt is only some -- some sideline. It's much more important.

And so let us connect, gentlemen, doubt with jealousy. And what then does it mean? That's the last point. Allow me still to -- to hint at this, and we'll go on next time. When we doubt, we break into two parts -- one saying one thing, and one saying the other. And that is the response to the fact that we want to be loved -- that is, that we become one-half of the next union, of the couple that we want to form, of the pair. So you have half and two. That's very interesting. The same man who, as a boy, is one, you see, when he begins to doubt, splits into two people -- one holding -- the one thing, the cynic; and the other, the worshiper, you see, holding the other, because you wait for some other half to join you.

So the individual at the age -- at your age, when -- when the passions begin to fall upon you, develops in two directions, gentlemen. In one way, you feel you need a friend, you need a sweetheart, you need a wife, you need a family, you need a profession. These are all proofs that you are incomplete, are they not? That you are needing something else to join you. You are on the way of joining life. Your mind, in order to anticipate this new, second union, this joining up with something else -- be it a woman, be it a profession, they are all very similar -- therefore becomes twice as powerful as it was as -- when you were 14, because it can take two opposite roads. It can -- anticipate, you see, this double -- duplicity. To doubt -- of course "dubious" comes from "dual," you see, to split into two. To hold one thing at one time, and to hold the opposite as the other: that's to doubt.

Now this so-called "reasonable doubt" is jealous doubt. We have to replace your phrase "reasonable doubt" by the term "jealous doubt," because it makes fear -- that it depends on your power to join. Doubt is only reasonable if it is

waiting for this decision: who is my next partner? -- because in any one case of doubt, the partnership which you enter then will clear up the doubt. You make your decision, you see. You see, it's worth marrying. It's worth becoming a doctor. It's worth to love my nation. It's love -- worth to love poetry, you see, according to your -- what you join, what you unite with.

And so we -- I -- I hope you see that we have redeemed your reason from its terrible, individualistic isolation. Your reason functions according to the needs of your heart. When a man is not certain what to join, he must be cynical, skeptical, critical. When a man is sure what he wants to join up with, he must become constructive, positive, reverential, worshipful, poetical, because he has fulfilled his heart's desire. In the meantime, you have your ups and downs.

Thank you.