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[Opening remarks missing]

... is the American history the history of something natural, or is it a part of the universal history of mankind? If it is a natural history, it can be understood by itself. If it is a part of the universal history of mankind, it cannot. All the departments of American history are frantic attempts to prove that the American history is something by itself. I don't believe it, because no self has a history. A history, gentlemen, of the human spirit, as I have tried to show you, is a history of speech. From the very first, people tried to name themselves, and be named in the history of all mankind. If you say "Jupiter," or if you say "Jahweh," or if you say "America," it is a name you want to be recognized with by other peoples.

So the first thing an American wants to be known for is that a Russian has to call him an American. If you try to write a natural history of America, for whom do you write it? You obviously think that an -- a Russian should say, "This is the real history of the American people." Now if you can force upon the Russians such a thought, then you are -- have existed for that, and they are part of your story and you are part of their story. If you can force down the throat of the Europeans that the American have a history by itself -- no European believes that, for that matter, because they know too well that you all came from Europe. So they -- you -- they just think that we are ramifications of European history, which is probably true. But the na‹vet‚, the selfishness of America comes out today in these frantic -- efforts of having an American history department.

This is your decision, gentlemen. History is always an article of faith. Those who -- of you who have heard -- taken Philosophy 57 know that this is the fundamental recognition which a man, who is -- has any mind of his own must make, that history has to do with the future. You only have as much history as you have future. Most people have no future, therefore to them history is a zoological garden, or a museum, or -- or like the history museum in New York City, which is un- -- full of forgeries, as you know. All the good -- allegedly great painters of the world are represented in this museum in New York City, but by forgeries, by imitations. And I'm afraid that the American history, if you treat it as a -- as a past without a future, is all forgery. What you think of the Puritans, for example, is all forgery, because you have written off the Puritans. You think they are not the future of America. You laugh at them. You say, "Oh, the Puritans." But we are real swines. And therefore you say swines, of course, don't have the fu -- the -- Puritans as ancestors, but just as {motto}. And that's how you { } the Puritans, instead of being proud of them. And if I hear people today talk of the Puritans, I always feel that these people are cutting off the

branch on which they themselves are sitting, and have no future, because they deny their past. Very simple.

So this decision, where American history is, has to do of course with {very} much what history is, gentlemen. Anybody who thinks that a part of the events of human life are not natural events but historical events believes in direction, and believes that the whole past is a beginning of your and my future, and that you have to know of the past all those things which are steps into our, and mine, and your children's future. Everything else can be dismissed. For example, you can -- dismiss bathtubs. They don't belong into universal history, because your children may very well do with a rubber tub instead. Bathtubs are not essential. In Harvard, however, they teach a course in universal history in which blacktop in -- in New York street is as essential epoch in American history. That's the degradation which you find in this country at this moment, that something purely casual, accidental and transient is made epochal. How can the invention of blacktop be epochal, gentlemen, since we have every right to forget about it? The next day we fly. And what about blacktop then? There's no blacktop in the sky.

But the brain of this country, you see, has been lowered to below the plumber. And you really think that in things, the epochs of history can be expressed. They cannot.

Because things can be superseded, gentlemen. And in history, only begin -- remain those things which cannot be superseded. That you call your father "Father" cannot be superseded, because otherwise you cannot know what a son and what a father is, or what a mother is or a daughter. Therefore the invention of the tribes, to call each other with lasting names, is an eternal one, and that's epoch. And you remember our first chapter, where therefore the -- the great period where people gave names to places and rivers, and you know, people have a still feeling of the sanctity of this, because we still say, "Connecticut River," that is, we to this day have kept the Indian names of the people who gave these places their first names. We feel we must not destroy this. That's so creative, and so imaginative, that you and I are quite pleased that we live around Winnepesaukee, and Sunapee, and Connecticut, you see. And the White River compared to this, well. Look -- look at White River Junction, you see.

Can you ever -- understood this, gentlemen, that the tribal age is the great heroic age of name-giving, and that neither you or I have the imagination today to give such wonderful names. I think I told you this terrible story of the governor of -- of course, it was of Texas -- who -- who called hi- -- his name was Hogg, Governor Hogg. And he resented it and so he called his first daughter Ima Hogg and his second daughter Ura Hogg, and degraded, therefore, the art of name-

giving and the religion of name-giving into a game. And I'm afraid that's by and large how we treat sex and marriage today: shamelessly and namelessly, because "shame" and "name" go together, gentlemen. Where there is no name, there is no shame. And this is shameless to call your daughter Ura Hogg and Ima Hogg. You shouldn't do that. Well, it isn't so ridiculous. It's the ultimate of degradation.

I just received a letter today from a lady on her deathbed. She has a dangerous operation. She is 24 years of age, or 25, and she confessed that in England they had reached that -- state of degradation that -- they were two girls. One was a mistress of her friend, and she was only a girlfriend of this gent- -- so-called gentlemen in { } in one of the houses, and in the presence of this other girl, who was a dancer, this boy began to tell her how the dancer behaved in a most intimate embrace. Now this degradation, you see, that's typical of you and your generation. There's absolutely nothing sacred anymore. Once you can speak in the presence of one girl about the sexual behavior of another girl, gentlemen, you're counted out of history. You have lost all creative powers. I assure you that has nothing to do with any orgies or so. Everything is forgiven, only not shamelessness, because it leads to namelessness. These girls are numbers then, just in a number game. And this boy -- and the two girls, I'm afraid, too -- are out of life. They're just on the dungheap. They cannot be -- I don't think they can be helped. Perhaps the girl, by writing me, and breaking down, and -- and weeping, because I have composed a disk in which these things are mentioned, and she now tells me that she has far exceeded the shamelessness I have mentioned on this disk.

Gentlemen, you can laugh. But I think it concerns you too much. You too are absolute louses. And it begins with Governor Hogg, who probably was a prude, and not at all a swine, by calling his daughter Ura Hogg. That's forbidden. That is forbidden. With names, there's no joking. And in this country, you think you can do as you please. And anybody who thinks he can do as you please, is -- ceases to be interesting. Decent people ask what they have to do. And as soon as a man says, "I'm independent, I am -- can do as I please," forget about him. He's not interesting. I warn -- I mean, I hope you will never have neighbors who think they can do as they please. It is impossible to live with such neighbors.

And this is, therefore, your real predicament. If you have a natural history of America, you will only hear of the Colorado gold rush, or the Alaska gold rush, or -- or the Wild West, and the whole show that is shown you in this country always -- suggests that people did and do as they please. If you think that the 48 states of the union have been built by people who did as they pleased ...

The -- a chief justice of England came one day to Nebraska. And he visited the Chief Justice of Nebraska, in Lincoln. And the son of this chief justice was

present. He became later the most im- -- famous professor of law in the United States. And the son has told me this story. And he said the two old gentlemen were debating, and the judge -- justice from England said rather condescendingly, "Now, how did these people in Nebraska find what was just -- now, how could they write a constitution? Really, I'm flabbergasted that here out in the West you were able to know what is right."

And the Chief Justice of Lincoln -- Nebraska rose in all his height, and thundered at this chief justice and said, "Well, maybe that in England, the simple people do not know what is right and what has to be done. But I assure you, in Nebraska, they still pretty well know what has to be done."

And Roscoe Pound, who told me this story, as I said, became the greatest jurist in this country, because he knew that the law is in every man's heart.

And it is in a father's heart not to dishonor his girl by calling her Ura Hogg. And that is not a joke. That's something to make you weep, over the waste and destruction in this country. This country is degenerate, absolutely degenerate, because of these circumstances.

Ask anybody in this country, gentlemen, "What's your ideal?" If he tells you, "I want to do what I please," say, "You can be a mosquito, but you can't be a human being." And they are mosquitoes, these animals who do as they please. They bite.

And your ideal is this. You want to have the -- much money so that you can buy all the women in the world, all the cars in the world, all the golf sticks -- clubs in the world, all the countries of the world. You call that "power." And you forgive everybody this zest for -- for power. Nothing but criminal.

But there is in every hour of life, gentlemen, that has to be done, gentlemen. And we are the birth throes of this tremendous change from Greece to Egypt in this country. Now I come back to my -- this strange, miraculous American history which is, so to speak, in reverse order. Beginning with the end of time, with the coming of Christ into this world, and then creating out of nothing, out of a desert, out of the -- this New England beach, this bleak beach -- it's really not a very attractive country, you know, around Boston -- Plymouth Rock. And you know the people in California say that if the -- California -- they had known there was a California, New England would never have been settled. And there's something in it, with their climate: nine months' winter and three months no summer. But they came here on an errand which was more important than the weather. They didn't come to have the sun and Isis of Egypt. They didn't come for the harvest. But they did come for freedom, and for the rebirth of this free-

dom. And so we said this was an errand in the wilderness meant for the rest of the world, as a deacon, as a missionary church.

And so in this newest, latest, most refined and most ultimate errand, America was founded, as the non-plus-ultra in Christianity. And then, when the time { } out of this -- out of this, so to speak, how would you call it? This outlook, this out- -- look-out post into Europe, he is just coming into this country as the promised land. And we get the 18th -- 17th -- the 18th century as the promised -- England -- as God's country here. And you know that that's the time of the piety of the revivalists, and of the religious faith of this country. And by 1776, the country goes secular and we said it goes Greek. The free masons are the expression of the Greek character of the United States. And you get the Star-Spangled Banner, and you get the gold -- golden cupola of the classic capitol in -- in every state, and this strange interest in Greek pillars, and Roman senates and expressions of political life. Every word of our political language is Latin and Greek. And every word of our religion is Biblical.

And I said to you, but this is an old story. Democracy is pluralistic, many states. America still was in the 19th century the champion of the small nations. We aren't any longer, as you see in Indochina. We are no longer the champions of the small nations, all of a sudden. What has happened? We have ceased to be Greeks. We have also ceased to be Jews. We have perhaps nearly ceased to be Christians. That's -- I do not believe, because the whole tendency is still fulfillment of the whole revelation of Christianity. But we are -- at this moment trying to get this country into -- into its proper place in the universe. And we said that's orientation, and orientation is the history of the empires. And orientation means to have eternal settlement, a fixed place. And the best argument for this fact that we have now reached a -- quite a different phase is, for example, that practically nobody can emigrate from this country anywhere else. It's equally bad everywhere now. Conscription is everywhere. Taxes are everywhere too high. And so if you want to be a pacifist in this country, you have no other country to go to, you see, to be a pacifist. You better stay here in the -- still the best place to be, even with conscription and the draft. I told you this story about the man who wanted to -- his son and his congregation to remain able to -- to leave this country in 1936, it's all over now. There is no country to which he could go. And even in Paraguay they have conscription.

But this means, gentlemen, America no longer is Greek, because the Greeks had the sea. The Greeks had the islands. The Greeks had the colonies. And therefore the Greeks had an endless chain of expanse. The world was all before them, where to choose. Where -- where is this from? It's a quotation. "The world was all before them, where to choose ... and providence their guide." No, gentlemen? Who is a major in English? No dim recollection?




The last verse of Milton's Paradise Lost. He certainly is more quoted than read, Mr. Milton. Isn't that true?

Orientation, gentlemen, is the problem of the Egyptian and prosperity, security, and victory over the business cycle. These are our tasks today. And as I -- as I told you, they came about in three great steps. In the Spanish-American War as a prelude, in the First World War, as getting involved with the whole world, and with the Second World War, as getting the whole world around us. In the First World War, we moved into the world. But I'm afraid in the Second World War, by our own astute inventing of the right bombs, we -- the world moved in upon us. As you know, we are -- have now the whole world around us. I think it's a joke, that this lady who wrote the book, The Sea Around Us. That's small comfort. The sea may still be around us, but there are other things are also around us. And that's much more pertinent.

And we are now surrounded by something that is neither continent nor sea, but aggression, and {neighborhood} and enemy. And we cannot be defended. I don't think any country is so vulnerable than the United States. You see, nobody is going to destroy Europe, because both -- sides want to have it. The Russians will never bomb Germany, because they want to inherit the Ruhr. So the Germans have -- at this moment a privileged situation. There will be no atomic bomb ever loosened on Europe. But you may be sure it will be loosened on Detroit and Pittsburg, because there's no mercy. With the Russians, they have no feelings. They can't inherit it, so let's destroy it, they will say. But about Europe, if you -- if I were you I would -- I would buy a little castle in France. That's the safest. And Germany is still safer, because the Russians are quite sure that one day they'll get it. So they won't destroy it.

But we are absolutely -- you see, we thought the world around us -- and now I'm very serious, gentlemen. The Americans had the idea they went into the World War. And that's why the -- Dresden was destroyed. As you know, in Dresden there were twice as many people killed as in Hiroshima. Well, everybody in this country only speaks of the atom bomb on Hiroshima, but he doesn't speak of the completely senseless destruction of Dresden, when one night 160,000 people were killed and which is every day, in every Russian broadcast, the great point of attack against America. They say we'll never have done this. This is mad- -- was madness, insanity, arrogance, cruelty, what-not. And you

must know this, that these -- in -- every European knows about these Russian broadcasts against our destruction of Dresden, which has never been justified, which was probably just the English air marshall Tedder's bloodthirstiness. Nobody quite knows why it was done. Absolutely meaningless. Much more meaningless than the atom bomb over Hiroshima, because at least Hiroshima frightened the Japanese in -- we could think into immediate surrender. It isn't true, because they had surrendered before, as you know -- offered their surrender before, and we just threw it for technical curiosity to see how it works. Yes, I'm afraid so. The technicians wanted to know what it -- what it does, so they thought they had to destroy these cities. It wasn't necessary. The Japanese had announced their con- -- unconditional surrender before.

So we are so wonderful people, you see. We are the great humanitarians, and we are so good. We are wonderfully good while we are in school. And outside school, we are so wonderfully bad. But if you hear the Americans talk, they are the good -- most good-natured people in the world. Are they? I think they are the most panicky people in the world, and that they do more -- any -- many stupid things like Hiroshima or Dresden. But you can prove it to yourself, gentlemen. There was something that we hadn't foreseen. America went into the world wars, as though it went out into the world. And the result is that the war came home, and now we feel that the world is coming to us. And this is the tremendous transition. If you think of the Spanish-American War and the noise Mr. Theodore Roosevelt then made with his Rough Riders. It was just going out, you see, for a nice little campaign, out -- away from America. And then you get the World Wars, the crusade of the Star-Spangled Banner. And then you get the second crusade of Eisenhower, "crusade in Europe," he called it, in which term it is clearly said, "We at home have nothing to do with this. That's a crusade in Europe."

And what's the result, gentlemen? That this far world, 3,000 miles from here, 8,000 miles from here, in the Pacific and across the Atlantic, to which we went for justice, and for mercy, and for many good reasons, by the way, that this world suddenly declared, "Well, if you come to us, we -- must turn the tables on you and say, may we not come to you." This is the nervousness of America. This is Mr. McCarthy in a nutshell. What he really has to complain of, and what -- why the people, I mean, fell for him was there was a sudden feeling that this whole situation of the United States now is totally changed. The United States are inside the world. And before, the world was all before us. We had to choose, and providence as our guide.

So Milton's Paradise Lost, you see, and -- is now in reverse. The -- let's -- there our Paradise Lost ends, I don't think that we can say "paradise gained." Or "regained." It's very bitter. The -- it's the one situation for which this -- this coun-

try, gentlemen, is utterly unprepared, to be inside of the world. We have called this country the New World. We have allowed the rest of the world to emigrate to the United States. I have come to this country as the New World far from Europe, you see, to protect myself and my family. And you all -- your ancestors have all come in the same idea: to get out. And now, I'm afraid we are in. We are very much inside. We are betwixt -- between the North Pole and the Panama Canal, and obviously both are the first points of attack in any war. And inside we are.

And this is what I would say the -- new application, gentlemen, of the ancient experience of the eternal settlement, of just being there, where we are. And we can't escape it. Everybody knows that there is no escape from these new bombs. You're just there, and have to sit it out, as a very lame duck. Of course, we here are still relatively -- relatively safe, you might think. Go to Dartmouth. I mean, if you want to escape, we are so insignificant, they won't waste the bomb on us.

What I cannot help admiring in this great plan of providence, gentlemen, is this rediscovery of all the ways of creation in America, and from America. I have tried to -- tell you that first Israel was re-discovered, and then Greece was rediscovered. And now we discover all the problems of a big empire. We don't call it this way, because we don't like to be reminded of the British Empire. Don't call it this way, but certainly Mr. Eisenhower is a big feeder, a large feeder, a great feeder, however he turns out to be. Prosperity fits. The farmers and the workers look to him for money, for wages. The other for business. Gentlemen, that has nothing to do with a Greek -- a Greek governor, or king, or mayor of Athens, where they -- I told you, the citizens were responsible for the business cycle, and not the government. But that's new. And as you know, the Republicans tried to get out of this responsibility and liberalize the farmers, and they just couldn't do it. And now they are saddled, as you know, with the stores of Egypt of 1 billion bushels' wheat in surplus. It has never happened in the history of the world, that a whole billion bushels of wheat are just there to be stored. It cannot be used next year. It's just reserve. So we are really repeating the great pharaonic experiment. I wonder what we are going to do, whether we are going to feed the hungry, or whether we going to spoil the stomachs of the satiated.

When Hitler and Lenin appeared on the scene 20 years ago, the world seemed to plunge into tribalism, into clans, into the prehistoric interest of the classless society. You may know that the Marxians proclaimed that they were going back to prehistoric man, to the times before the classes appeared in history, and they wanted to give back to men this wonderful all-roundness of primitive man. You don't know this, perhaps, but in the Marxian program of the parties in the various countries, all the research on clans, and tribes, and early anthropology have played a decisive part. I myself was the victim of one such battle, being a reac-

tionary all the time, by the ultra-socialists in Germany who deposed me, because in my -- in the -- in the institution which I headed, I would not pay lip-service to this necessary return of primitive tribalism. At that time, they were putting in their party program of the left wing of the Marxian party in Germany the newest discoveries on primitive man, on a time -- you see, of the times when there were not classes in society, no exploitation.

So this is Hitler, as you know, with his race ideas, it's the same: purity of race, every group secluded, completely separate by itself, primitive man, and he said that the interims in between were abolished. And all over the world, gentlemen, the entrance -- the last 40 years have been celebrated by eager scribes and stump-speakers as a return to the common man, to classless society, and to the early days of -- well, natural man, maybe { }.

I myself have attended a strange scene in this country, gentlemen. I went to the congress of the historians. I had been asked to deliver there an evening address, stood there in long tailcoat and white tie, and my only -- the speaker -- there was one more man invited, Benedetto Croce, but he couldn't come -- from Italy -- and his address was read. And then came James Breasted. Who has heard of James Breasted in this country? Only one? The Egyptologist, a charming man. He has founded the Oriental Institute in Chicago, and has written this famous book, The Dawn of Consciousness, you see. Don't you know that? Who has heard of The Dawn of Consciousness? {Three}. I thought that was generally known. Now, as all liberal, modern scholars in this country, he was a great fool, and he said -- about history. And he said, "Gentlemen, we can forgot -- forget the 4,000 years of revelation, and we can link Franklin D. Roosevelt and his social idealism directly with the Egyptian pharaohs and their social idealism 4,000 years back." He literally told the historians that they should extrapolate 4,000 years of history. Now he did nothing more in his {gibberish} than what the Marxians said in more -- greater fanaticism and say that man must get before the class society -- into the classless society as it was in the beginning of history. And here you have then Hitler. You have Lenin, Marx, and you have Mr. Breasted for America, all in the beginning of this crisis in which we live, advocating, and a return before Greece, before Christianity, and before Israel. You may be sure that that's something -- some point in this. I have neglected this story, this picture, this strange going-backward in order to go forward. You remember what we said in this course? That man, in order to go forward, kept his head turned backward.

Now, the decision you and I have to make is now the following: there is no doubt that we go from Israel and from Homer to prehistoric -- pre-Homeric man. We go back to Egypt. The exodus of Egypt and the Trojan War, gentlemen, were the limits of life with which people reckoned in the 19th century. Your great-

grandfathers were perfectly satisfied when they read the Bible and Homer. That was all they wanted to know about prehistoric -- beginnings of man on this earth. We are not satisfied. We want to go back a whole thousand, or 2- or 3,000 years before Homer and before the Bible. And as I told you, there is unanimous consent in -- on this, between the fascists, the liberals, and the Communists. Now, if you get such a -- a three-fold agreement, you have to prick up your ears and say this is irresistible. And this little number of decent people in the mid- -- middle, called the Church of Christ, or the living believers is hard-put by these three tremendous heresies. The liberal heresy, the fascist heresy, and the Communist heresy all at this moment say the last 4,000 years are superfluous, or they are bad, or they are class war, or they are dark -- like the Dark Ages -- or they are dogmatic, or ecclesiastic, and prejudiced and superstitious, and we must go -- get out of religion, and get out of revelation, get out of dogma, and get out of classes -- however they formulate it: they want to cancel 4,000 years of human life on this earth. And if it is -- here -- go exactly right, the Trojan War is 1184 B.C., the -- Moses obviously is around 1200 A.D. -- 1300 A.D. The fall of Jericho can quite -- well be dated. Abraham may be 1700 B.C. Now if you then put together 1954 and 1500 B.C., where do we get? We get 3,500 years at least that are extrapolated and declared to be rotten, so to speak, and these -- all these three want to go back to these, you see, fleshpots of Egypt, or to the tribes.

Now today, I want to apply all this, gentlemen. You hear this in the papers. You never think -- take this seriously, but you are made by these slogans. This is why we have the SEC. That is why the stock exchange from a nice Greek stock exchange on which you can make money now, is absolutely controlled by the government, you see. All the nice joke is out of it, you see. You can't become now a billionaire overnight now anymore, because you have -- need to have the cash to trade on the -- stock exchange. Greece is over. The whole speculation is over. It's very tiresome, now. You can't make more than 12 percent. But in 1880, you could become rich, fabulously, overnight. Fortuna, the wheel of fortune, was God, and that's Greece. That's the trade-off, you see. And that was hailed. And that was considered great. I -- the robber-barons, you know all these -- this is very Greek.

The heroes in Homer, they were all great speculators in war booty, you know. They also said, "Let us have war if we cannot have prosperity," like the people in New York now say, as stragglers of the 19th century. "We must have war, because otherwise we can't earn money." I attended a meeting in Greenfield, here, down the Connecticut River, where there were three honorable businessmen from New York City. This was two years ago, it's hard to believe. And they sat there and told the citizens of Greenfield that of course we have to have war, because otherwise our economy would collapse.

I said, "Aren't you ashamed of yourself?"

They weren't. They say -- didn't know better. Everybody in New York had at that time had this stupidity, this crazy. We have some stupidity every half year in New York. At that time, it was that. You wouldn't believe it, it's forgotten. But two years ago, any man who came from New York said that we must have war, because otherwise we would have a depression. And of course, the Russians knew this and feared us, and thought we would go to war. And that's where the whole war scare comes from, for all the world, because they heard these people at the stock exchange trying to prolong the liberal Greek era of pre-war days, you see. Now we must live quite different. The Egyptians didn't have to go to war in order to have prosperity. And that's why this new empire-building is very serious for us. It means you have to arrange things in such a way that we can have prosperity without war. It hasn't been solved, yet. But we have to do it, you see. We have to have now a { } economy, and the armaments cannot finance this country obviously, because we have to finance the armaments.

But if you hear these silly people talk, they really think that the armaments should finance the economy. You see how bad they are. They stand on their head. "The fi- -- the armaments are going to finance the economy." If you don't see the -- the craziness of this, I can't help you, you see. But that is, once you are obsessed by one-way -- one-way-street mind, that trading is the basis of prosperity. So whatever you sell, whether it's -- it's debts of the government, bonds of the government, you still trade, you see. And if a broker at the stock exchange sells 2 million bonds -- of the government bonds, he still thinks that he's going to be rich. Perhaps he is, but the government is going to be poor, because it has sold -- what has it sold? Debt, you see. And it has signed up for more debts and more debts.

Well, all this is only -- these are little, little, examples. You know many more yourself. But you never apply them to the fact that at -- in this country at this moment, the Greek mind, or the Republican mind is at war with the new mind, which is the mind of permanent settlement, which is -- cuts out the unexpected gains of new-discovered lands, of new-discovered oil -- oil drills, gold mines, and so. And says, we can't live by gold rushes in Alaska, or oil wells in Texas, or even in Aramco. We must live on a basis where we may -- make an honest living yearin, year-out. That's our problem. It's not an expanding economy. It's very na‹ve. An expanding economy is only possible if you think that part of the world is not known. If you think that you can -- moving into infinite space. Once you are pinned down in a corner, and nowhere else but where you are, life's very different. And that's our problem at this moment. And that's why you get the absolute insanity in -- in the intellectual and political circles of this country, because they don't know where they live. They are torn between their -- their 18th century

background of revival Methodism, and their Greek tradition of liberalism, you see, and the real demands of the hour today, of quite a new stage in history. And you hear these people talk, and they go on Sunday to the cathedral in Washington and hear one thing, you see. And then they go to the stock exchange and read what's happening there. And then they -- there they hear -- learn Greek. And then they hear what Mr. John Lewis says -- tell them the next day and the farmers of America; and then in their despair, they have a Senate hearing, just to idle away the time, because they don't want to talk, any of the three serious businesses: what religion they have, and what politics they have, and what economy they have. They prefer instead to have some -- some fun, clear fun, but not clean.

And that's the McCarthy hearings, gentlemen. That's escapism. They're dealing with absolutely nothing, with fraud, because people don't know how serious the -- the adaptation is to which they will have to come. They will have to digest a new epoch in American history. And that's very {true}, and very painful, gentlemen. And you have to believe in God in order to digest. And you have to believe that nobody can do as he pleases, that there is a world created by our maker which waits to be fulfilled. And the United States, who -- where only so far are -- had only been required to re- -- reciprocate with the Christian Church, and Jerusalem, and Athens, now are required suddenly to reproduce the empires of old, and the tribes of old, and to build the great society. And you remember, we said, the Church has been built in the first thousand years, and the states have been built in the second thousand years, and in the third thousand years there must be built the society.

Now one thing, however, can I give you as our comfort. The United States have done a very good job in preventing the relapse in -- direct -- the relapse into tribalism. Hitler has been defeated. And I still think that's highly meritorious. If you have been listening to Mr. McCarthy, you'd have -- think it is very much to be regretted that Hitler was defeated, because his inspiration is certainly Hitler's Mein Kampf, Hitler is -- you see, that is Mr. McCarthy's textbook. I know it, from the p- -- person in his own hometown, who told us that he shut himself up for a fortnight with Hitler's book and then came out and said, "That is it."

Now tribalism, gentlemen, seemed to the Russians as well as to Hitler, the immediate issue that is, from liberalism, from Greecism, from humanism, which is all Greek and Roman, you see, they wanted to go back to primitive man. I have quoted you this before. We have forced the world first to consider some -- the Egyptian issue of a division of labor of which the tribes are -- completely untouched. As you know, the Russians to their own dismay also could not free labor, but have to enslave it. There is more class in Russia than anywhere else at this moment, because the division of labor is their problem. And the division of

labor is the Egyptian problem, as you'll remember. It is not the tribal problem. The tribe has only organized marriage and war. Egypt has organized caste, and classes, and vocations, and professions, and specializations. Now, you say -- take down this one thing, gentlemen: the two world wars have forced the world not back into tribalism, but into a more complex division of labor than ever before. There is more -- there are more sharper class lines than ever before in the world. The opposite has happened from what the Russians wanted to do. Why? Because at this moment, the complications of production make it more necessary than ever to particularize and to group in such a way that we form teams in which one man does something quite different from the other. And the more you have to distinguish what one man does and the other, the more you move into Egypt, and the less you are in a tribe -- at home in a tribe. In any clan, in any tribe every warrior can be a singer, and a dancer, and a warrior, and a father, and a son, and a medicine man, and everything. But in a -- in an economy of the settlement type, one is a builder, and one is a priest, and a stargazer, and the other is a scientist, and the other is a jeweler, and everybody does something different. You remember.

Therefore, gentlemen, the two world wars, by interpolating the United States into the suicide of Europe, have prevented Europe from going tribal. They have said, "Slowly, please, slowly. There is some other phase which we have to build in first. In your Marxian theory, you have forgotten that. You wanted to go on from capitalism straight away into tribalism." They call it socialism, or -- Communism. There is something in between. You can't go from Greece to the -- Iroquois or the Algonquin Indians. You have to go from Greece into Egypt. Now I think that's very practicable -- you and me. You see at this moment the destiny of America is retardation. We have to delay the wild dances by which the peoples of the Marxian demon -- demonism. So they want to dance that into primitivism right away. And by our very existence, we prove to them that the problem of economy comes first, and the problem of integration is still far away, at this moment, you see, of integration in the warrior sense of the tribe, where everybody, you see, is everything and everybody. You aren't going to be everybody, but be very pleased if you have a job.

[tape interruption]

... all around men. And you will have to find at least 73 different hobbies in order to make up for that.

So far away are we from the dream of 1914, gentlemen, of the common man, that the time of the total revival of the dawn of life on this earth, of primitive man, was around the corner. We still have plenty of time. We have obviously still 1,000 years of revival of the old empires. Perhaps not a thousand years, I don't

know the time. But this then makes you perhaps feel that this is a religious issue, gentlemen. If you have faith in America's place in the world, you will suddenly understand that America now for the first time in her consciousness is {burdened} { } with a strangely conservative mission. The other nations, gentlemen, are hurrying quicker to the beginning of time, back in their consciousness, than we are allowed to do. You must be satisfied at this moment to build Boulder Dam, the modern pyramid, so to speak, and Empire State Building. And you have to tell the Russians that they'd better build things instead of dancing frantically around a Maypole. It isn't the shouting today and the enthusiasm that is needed, but it is the patient division of labor all over the world; a checkerboard, so to speak, of countries which support each other. We'll have to find out which is best done where. And then I think we quite ruthlessly must say to each other that the country that -- not every country should probably be industrialized. You see it in -- in the Argentina business. The Argentinians have said every country must be like everybody -- every other country. We must not produce meat for England, but machinery for Argentina. You know that's a big issue in Argentina. There you have a very clear problem of the -- which has to be decided. I don't know the decision, but you and I will have to make the decision, as every one of us will contribute to this, you see. Is the whole world going to be equally industrialized and agricultural, you see? Or can there be a specification? Can a prairie produce something else than a garden? And can a garden produce something else than a desert? And can a desert produce something else than a mountain range -- range, you see. These are the real problems today.

If you talk to the fascists, they want -- they want to have it everywhere alive, you see. They want to have a factory and the garden and the cornfield -- wheat field, you see, in every patch of the globe. That's the Egyptian issue. Because the Egyptian issue makes a decision in which part of the globe this and this has to be grown. And in which part something else. So at this moment, gentlemen, if I were st- -- young, I would study economy, but on a much larger scale than the so-called economists of the 19th century. They were just the apologeti and the apologetics of the robber barons, the economists of the 19th century. Who are these people, I mean, whom you learn? Mr. Taussig, and the Mr. Ricardo, and the Mr. -- Adam Smith? Really, the defendants of the robber barons. But it's much more serious, gentlemen. Economy is a great science, because economy is the science of the necessary division of labor in mankind. And we are far from knowing all about it. For example, gentlemen, in our enthusiasm, we have given up the division of labor between women and men. Except that we pay the women less, we think they can do everything. And it won't be long that we'll think that the men can bring the children into the world and the women can -- I won't say what. Everything is topsy-turvy today, because the first division of labor, between the sexes, has been given up. The second division of labor, between the ages, has been given up. The people here treat you as though you

were -- you -- I was just a slot machine and you were doing the teaching as well as the learning. That's the idea of progressive education, as you know.

And so we have no division of labor at this moment. It is forgotten, because the first division of labor is between the sexes, the second is between the ages. Then the third is between the talents, you see. But this is all denied in this country, and yet, if you have not a basis, a deep insight into what God meant to do when He created us men and women, we probably cannot understand why He created prairies and mountains. This has all to do with a certain respect, not for the decent opinion of mankind, you see, but for the decent reality of the earth. Are the women the same as the men? Is it desirable that every woman makes a living of her own, you see, leaves the home and dumps the children in a nursery? Is -- have these poor children to be educated by psychologists and teachers, and the -- have the grownups to be educated by psychoanalysts? This is all because we have no division of labor, gentlemen. You have a magician for -- in every year -- 10 years ago, it was the dietician who told you how to live. Now it's the psychoanalyst who tells you how to live. I don't know what in 10 years will be the latest fad to whom you carry your money. But you have no division of labor. If you look around today, the psychoanalyst tells the judge, the psychoanalyst tells the minister, the psychoanalyst tells everybody, that is, he's the only clergy we have at this moment. Just the medicine man of the tribe. That's what he is. And the other div- -- the division of labor is not believed in, because nobody goes to the minister for his sins. He goes to psychoanalyst. And I'm afraid the minister goes, too.

Yes, there is no divided authority, gentlemen, but there is only at every one moment a fad, which means there is no division of labor. I want to -- only to point out to you, gentlemen, in the division of labor, we believe in God's creation, or we don't believe in God's creation. That is, the division of labor, as the Egyptians saw it and discovered it for the first time, is one of the elementary secrets of our existence on this earth. I want to exalt it into something; you must not treat this as a superstition. If you hear of "Egyptian darkness" or "fleshpots of Egypt," you think I disparage this. But we are marching into this, as a profound secret. We wouldn't have Mr. Peron in Argentina if this wasn't the problem today. Mr. Peron is our enemy. He hates the United States, because he says, "You have treated Argentina like a -- just in a rural, you see, a raw material-producing country. We are your equals. We have just as much the knowhow of engineers and workers as you have in the United States." Now that's a serious problem. You cannot brush it aside and say you aren't concerned. We may lose all of South America to Mr. Peron in the next 30 years. Some of these states are just getting ready. They don't want us, as you know. We are not very liked in South America. And certainly the fact that there are 23 independent states is purely Greek and purely accidental. And that will only be an attitude of the 19th cen-

tury in South America. It will vanish.

There was a boy in this college 10 years ago who had a stipend, a fellowship for study in South America, and he -- as a senior fellow. He did, what he called this way. He had a wonderful time, and very joyfully at the end he read a paper to us on South America in which he took it for granted that there would -- were these 23 democracies, how he called these despotic tryannies in Peru, et cetera. And he said there we were, and we had to protect them, and we had to love them. And we had to lend them money.

Well, one of my colleagues very wisely objected and said, "Do you think that money-lenders are very much liked by the people who borrow the money?"

Well, he was a little embarrassed. And then I asked a question: "Do you really believe that God meant South America to consist of 23 states?"

And he said, "Of course. They must be there forever."

That's the Greek mind. It's idiotic. Absolutely idiotic, you see. The sooner Paraguay ceases to exist, the better it is. It's a terrible state. Most tragic state perhaps on the whole globe. If you read the history of Paraguay, you really wonder why people live in states. Has anybody ever heard something about the history of Paraguay? You know there were -- at one time there were I think 40 male people left in Paraguay in 1840 or 1845. Everybody else was slaughtered. Just women and children left.

Well, what I'm going to say is, you see, this change of the whole map of the world from Greek free city-states into vast empires is going on under our noses. And as I said, if we do not take this seriously and find the language of beauty and believe in this new order of things, we'll lose South America. And we'll lose Middle America. And we'll lose Mexico. And then where will we be? We will be a tiny spot in the universe exposed to all the cobalt bombs from where they may come. They'll come from South America, too -- at that time, when we are completely isolated. Because, you see, it's so wonderful, all these words come always home to roost. We are now isolationists, you see. Mr. McCormick in Chicago is. But the man -- the poor man. I wouldn't like to be the successor of Mr. McCormick, in the -- in editing the Herald -- Chicago Herald-Tribune. He'll be haunted and visited by the fact that we'll be isolated, you see. It's very nice to be intentionally an isolationist, because that means we can do as we please. But how about being isolated against our will from the rest of the world as a tiny speck on the globe? Now if Mexico goes, gentlemen, and if Middle America goes, and South America goes, because they must unite, and we prevent them because we believe stoically into -- in the anarchy of 23 eternally warring South American

republics. They must unite. The question is only whether they unite with us or with Mr. Peron. And we are obsolete at this moment. We have no policy to explain this to them or to ourselves. You people don't learn it. You don't think about it. You have absolutely obsolete slogans in politics at this moment, I'm afraid to say.

I'm sorry if I exaggerate. This is no attack. I want to wake you up to the fact that you have still to digest the two world wars. This coming into the world, you see, and the world coming to us, and all of a sudden everything being less important than the fact, how do we divide our labors? That's involved in the Marshall Plan. It's involved in the 4-H program. All these things are gropings, you see, in this direction. What is the whole of the globe, you see, meant to develop in division of labor? We have -- just begin to think about this. You read such things as -- in the papers -- that there will 4 billion people in 2000, you see, and we won't be able to feed them. That's some such starting point to make us think in terms of territories, settlement, harvests, prosperity, you see, for the whole world. And no longer in free- -- independence, and independent little states and nations, you see, everybody to himself. You see what happens to the Viet Minh. They are -- certainly in their good right in asking 19th century independence. The very moment they ask independence, they have to fight -- line up with the Communists, you see, in order to be integrated into a bigger whole. And so there you have the idealism of the 19th century, telescoped, you see, with the facts of the times after this world war. In 1890, the Viet Minh could still -- could have defended themselves against the French and become a small nation like Belgium, or Korea, you see. And now it doesn't help them. I think they are right against the French and they are wrong, because they are -- depend on the Communists. It's a very tragic situation. It's a double situation and you see time doesn't stand still. History is something that has to be fulfilled. You have just to close one chapter and the next is already -- has been opened. That doesn't mean that one is meaningless. They all have to be told, and all have to be written. And the pages of history form one complete book.

So I suggest, gentlemen, that we shall perhaps this year -- it's arbitrary -- or this period, should be called in our textbooks a transition from Greece to the empire building, to the eternal settlement, to the fact that the earth is the Lord's, and that we have to speak of the earth, from now on, you see, instead of speaking of independence, and of our country. Meaningless today to speak of one's country. If one has to throw atom bombs on one's neighbors, it's a very doubtful proposition to speak anymore of God's country. But God's country is very meaningful for the people who came here, you see, out of this world, as it was at that time.

So we have here a third period of -- a fourth period. We have the 17th century,

gentlemen, the Church. The 18th century, Jerusalem. The 19th century, Greece. Now the 20th century, I call it "Egypt." It's the clearest, and it has the greatest amount of authority on its side. But make this, of course, the same as China or any of these empires. And we may expect that we have only delayed the dream of primitive men. Certainly already we feel that under the impact of the machine age, gentlemen, you and I have to become more complete people, or we will be just cogs on the wheel. So the next issue, the tribal issue, will be as simultaneous to Egypt as the Methodists have been to the Free Masons. That is, as Jerusalem and Greece have competed in fact, and have not been just one after the other, so in the same sense the Egyptian issue, the division of labor all over the globe, and the integration of man into his ecstatic and fiery existence of a poet, and a seer, and a prophet of all the great arts of primitive man, will go hand in hand. Still I think it is wise at this moment for me to go slow and to say that although both issues, the imperial and the tribal, are simultaneous, we first of all are still saddled with the division of labor problem, more than with the other. You see, in 1776, you can say that religion and the religious life of the people in this country, and the Greek forms of thinking -- politics, forming a democracy -- were perhaps 50-50. Yet you will admit that the spirit was then at the first moment being strictly secular. The Fourth of July, is a secular holiday. The Continental Congress was good Greek rhetorics and politics, you see. The Declaration of Independence. These were all secular political documents. But in 17 hundred- -- 30 years before, you still have religious documents, a revival. John Wesley -- Charles Wesley and so on, and the great Jonathan Edwards, the great religious tradition in this country revived and in -- re-strengthened. So yet, you -- if you ask me what leads in the 18th century in this country, Greece or Jerusalem, it's very hard to answer. There are the Methodists very strong. And there are the Free Masons very strong. And the Free Masons stand for, as I said, for the secular spirit, and the Methodists for the Jewish spirit.

The same is true today. You will have two parties in this country, gentlemen. The people who care for the prosperity and thereby for the Egyptian issue and feel responsible. And at this moment, as you know, they are in the forefront. The whole Cabinet is nothing but ministers of Pharaoh, for prosperity. And that's a great responsibility, our financing our budget, re-economizing the whole energies of the globe. And the tribal, socialistic issue is obviously at this moment sec- -- in the second rank. But is there. And I want you to understand, gentlemen, that if you formulate capital and labor, you are trying with some rather superficial terms to define "Egypt" and "tribe." The social trend is the tribal one. And the capitalistic one is the Egyptian one. And I have used these clear, historical parallels in order to shake you up out of your complacency to thinking that capital and labor are 19th century problems, or 20th century problems. They are of course eternal problems, you see. And they -- God didn't create capital and labor. But He did create countries, and harvests, and seeding time. And He did create

the division of labor, because He did create the division of the sexes, and of His talents, and of His gifts on mankind. And I think that the words "capital" and "labor" are blinding you to the historical situation of this country. They are very short-sighted, and very short of breath, as though capital and labor was the invention of the American people. Sometimes you really think that you have to take an oath of capitalism in this country. You don't have to take an oath of capitalism because God created the necessity of great enterprise. This has nothing to do with men's will, men's intentions. The Americans have not invented capitalism. It comes from elsewhere. And they haven't created capitalism, because it's a part of the way in which we have to use God's energies. And so nobody can ideologically promise to be a lover of capitalism, just as little as you can be condemned to love your belly, or you love your -- your part of your body. That's just what you have. It's -- nothing so special to love about it, only to respect it, and recognize it, and work with it.

So that's the end of my story today, gentlemen, that capital and labor were the sh- -- foreshortenings in perspective from the Greek point of view of this great background of our existence on this earth, that we have to amass energies, that we have to group the energies, the raw materials, and the human forces, our own energies, in tremendous agglomerations, and also dissolve them again. And capital and labor are, so to speak, transient labels of the essential problem of the settlement of the globe. Much more permanent, and goes much more through history than this question of capital and labor seems to insinuate. And please don't believe that capital and labor are modern. They are -- mean that we have to go back to something that has dominated human existence when the castes and the classes were invented, when the division of labor was invented. And I accuse -- the liberal thinkers by -- that they have obscured this whole res- -- reverent situa- -- attitude towards the world in which we have to move, by thinking it was a construction of the human mind, capital and labor. That isn't so. Can you now understand that capital and labor are really the two forms in which Egypt and the tribes knocked at our door? Labor, that's the team, that's the integrated group of one spirit, of one faith. And capital, that is the power to build pyramids, to administer harvests, to prepare stones in the desert of Nubia to be used 4,000 miles away at the other end of the country for building temples to the heavens, who are -- which are the same everywhere. That's capital.

So have I succeeded? I doubt it, gentlemen, but it was my great ambition to fill you with some more reverence for American history. American history is not an accident. And American history is not American history. But American history is the continuation of man's tremendous effort to do justice to the constellations under which he has been created. He has been created to be the same man at all times. He has been created to be the same man in all places. Everywhere and all the time, that's your human problem. He has to be cre- -- he has -- created to

know of each other, and to speak to each other in one religion and one faith in all times and over all places. That's the Jewish problem. And he has been created to be patient about the transient and temporary divisions that still obtain. That's the Greek problem. The Greek problem says we are many, and we aren't yet one. The Jews -- Jewish problem is, we must be one. Terrible that we are still many.

Now the Americans are saddled with this whole heritage, gentlemen, of these four attitudes. We are many, and we have to be patient that we still are many. They are so different. There are so many races here, and so many religions. And that's Greek to say, "Well, a little Methodist, and a little Baptist, and a little Catholic, and a little Episcopates, all right." You see. Still, on the other hand, you must be impatient and say, "At one time all these partitions should fall." In our heart of hearts, we cannot believe in them -- that they'll last to the judgment day. Isn't that true? That's the messianic hope. That's the impatience. The third thing is: we do live as part of the whole economy of the earth. That's the Egyptian problem. And the last is: we must, every one of us, feel the whole energy and genius of man above us and in us. We must dance and shout with joy like the morning star. And we cannot be satisfied with having just a job and for the rest having hobbies. That's very impossible, too.

Now, gentlemen, the Christian solution in all these four is very different from the Egyptian, very different from the Jewish, and very different from the Greek, and very different from the red Indian one. Our economy must be able one day to come up to the whole globe. The Egyptians thought if they had their country, they hadn't to care for the rest, and they could build a Chinese wall around it. You cannot believe in a Chinese wall for American economy. That's the Christian element in the new economy to come. It must be in some form or other -- include the backward nations, must it not? We talked about South America, for example. You cannot omit them from the picture. You cannot build an American economy. So gentlemen, here you have the difference of American history from ancient history. In the economic picture, America cannot be a world of its own. But our economic thinking must come up to the earth as created by the Lord. We must be global. Economically, you c- -- we st- -- already do it with the oil coming from Arabia, which just means that we do it. The Russians scraped together all the uranium they can find in German Saxony. Because they too are forced to have an economy which is much larger than their political unit.

What is Christian, gentlemen, in the three other fields of human endeavor? Why is this not just Jerusalem rebuilt? Why is it not Greek rebuilt? Well, the Greeks had 158 states, as you know, and 158 wars per annum. We have 48 states in eternal peace. Our Greek solution is one of a peaceful, side by side. That is, we have absorbed the Greek problem of equality of units of nations, but we have also this Christian dream that it hasn't to be eternal war that is raging between

them. There again, gentlemen, an ancient element, a way of life of antiquity has been reopened by the Christian way of life and totally transformed; just as our economy is not the Egyptian economy, yet it is economy! But the changes that our economic thinking must encompass the real world as created by the Lord and not invented by Egyptian priests and limes. In the same sense, the Greek free cities perish by constant war between Sparta and Athens, and Athens and Thebes, and so on. This is not true today, gentlemen. It's not only the 48 states, gentlemen, that gives you hope that a different solution is possible. But the world wars themselves have reduced the number of belligerents to two. That's a very hopeful situation. Everybody stresses the terrible arms situation. But I would tell you first of all that it is very nice to know that all these little entities, you see, are just out of the running. Don't you think that's a tremendous step forward? I think it is. It's the abolition of the anarchy of Greece. In Ireland, too, you know every spring every Irish prince had to go and steal some cows from the neighboring tribe and go to war with the neighboring tribe. And it was just a ritual. War was eternal. The warpath. I don't think we believe that.

I will next time then show you finally what the transformation of the four preChristian forms is in our era. We have -- in America, gentlemen, are faced with this very grave solution. You can either relapse now into antiquity and have an isolated American economy for example. Then we go Egypt. Or you can affirm the double standard that you are reviving Egypt in the Christian era. Then you have to keep the Christian element and the Egyptian element and blend them into something that hasn't existed before on this earth. And I'll try -- am going to try to tell you this next time.