{ } = word or expression can't be understood
{word} = hard to understand, might be this

...a very poor language, but there it is, and cancel them. And they used -- they were -- it was left to their own device, what kind of a cancellation they should apply. So many of them used Masonic signs, being Free Masons, you see, representing the advance guard of the country, they -- they -- they used -- made their own Masonic signs, the circle and the--how do you call the other thing? Here--you see it? So I think this -- this semi-public symbolism is quite interesting, that in order to find something by which to express something that was not a private whim, they used the Masonic signs as an inter- -- so to speak, interlocal, you see, American symbol.

Now today I want you to understand that what I'm doing now is similar to my use of The Reply To Hayne. I have tried to make you see that The Reply to Hayne is a -- a model case of the perpetual, historical question before this country: to see that it is a conquering, moving avalanche; that it is not a peace-loving, pacifist -- country organized in states, but that it has always been, since 1763, a moving frontier. And that your ideology, which puts property first; education, Church second; government, third; and army, fourth is just an error of perspective. That in the eyes of the rest of the world, the military character of the frontier--the conquering--is the first; that the -- setting up of law is the second; the founding of schools and churches is third; and the private ownership of the land can only come in consequence of this establishment.

You remember these four points. And I still hold that you will not un- -- come to an understanding of the mentality of other nations, and you always talk to cross purposes--as they do now in Geneva--if you do not know thes- -- this sequence in which you think of your own history is not understandable to anybody outside the United States, that this -- your arrangement of 1, 2, 3, 4, here--how well -- how did -- was it called in The Reply to Hayne? The -- disposing of the land, or how would you call it, I mean? The land grant. No, it's not even "land." What's the -- what word does he use? What technical term? What is it? What is the Foot Resolution on?


No, it's not homes- -- that's 1863, only the Homestead Act. They don't speak. The Foot Resolution, which you all discussed in this paper on Ha- -- on -- is the all -- is it all forgotten already?




Please. Speak louder.

(Land distribution.)

No, not distribution. Sale, simply sale, you see.

Sale, you see, Church, law, army or combat. I mean, they're not the peacetime army in barracks, but a -- a marching army.

Now this in America is the sequence of interest. The army is kept out of your thinking and the war. The -- the law, well, that's -- you have to put up with, and have to try to get away with murder. The Church is a group business. And again, that's so-called "private." Sales, everybody thinks highly that this is a question of public concern.

So the word "sale" in this country embraces things that we can never include into the word "sale" in any other language. So when I heard this word, "buyer's market in education," you see, I had to realize that in this country buying and selling of land entails the establishment and all the higher values of -- of government, of order, you see, of education, of the spiritual life. You'll never understand why, for -- the rest of the world thinks of America, as -- a country, where only the dollar governs, because you express the history of this country by this -- sentence that -- the acre was sold for $1.25.

And all the blood, sweat, and toil that went before it--not only with it, but before it--the power to leave Europe or any other continent, to come to this country on board ship on a journey of six months in the most unworthy conditions--all this courage, this investment, that's omitted from the picture. All you're {hanged with} is how -- much the man made when he arrived at the Battery. And that's not the story. He had to break chains. He had to broke -- break fetters before he came here. And then here, he was immediately in landing--the people in the -- who arrived -- between 1860 and 1865 in this country, in New York--they were the -- they all took up arms, and first served the country, and then they were allowed to go -- West and -- and homestead. -- This war has been won by the immigrants, and Lincoln was elected by the immigrant vote. This is never mentioned. But they -- they -- he couldn't -- without the immi- -- immigrant vote of the -- 15 German classes of men who arrived between 1845 and 1860 in this country, Lincoln would never have even gotten the -- the slim vote he did get.

So this came first. Can you imagine it? A man coming to a new country, rushing down from the board -- ship, and donning the uniform -- this country and going to war! This is only one short expression of the real situation of such a man. The same thing happened in the Second World War, and the First World War, that all the newcomers became citizens by way of serving in the army of the United States. And then they turned home to their -- their -- to their occupations.

And -- but you take the whole thing as an economic proposition. And if you understand -- want to understand the thinking of all other people in the -- world -- wide world, you have to reverse your thinking. And you have to put it in this way. And it helps, because I do think -- this is my firm conviction: that all nations develop their characteristics by rearranging the serious -- the sequence of reactions, responses to the eternal equalities in our -- all life. We all have to die, we all have to be born, you all have to go to school, we all have to choose our profession. But the different nations--France, and Russian, and Americans, and English--are distinguishable.

And now you remember what we said about the common man here, about the Point 4 of Americans in the march of the spirit from idea to the commonplace. You'll remember that I had to put up such a list. And I said idea, science, education, commonplace. And I said, when a thing is commonplace, you can buy a paperback -- buy -- bou- -- a -- a paperbound volume for -- for 95 cents and have it in half an hour, Mathematics for the Million, you see. That's commonplace. If you go to a college, you have to take mathematics for a few years. If you go -- become a teacher of mathematics, you have to devote your whole life to it. And if you are a real mathematician, that is, one of the creators of mathematicians, whom you must not confuse with a professor of mathematics--that's something quite different--he has -- invests all his nature, his -- from birth and death, so to speak, in representing this stroke of genius.

D‚scartes was made a mathematician because he lost his mother in early youth and had all the time to swallow down his tears that he was an orphan. And the whole Cartesianism is the story of a man who wanted to be a man before his age. Who regretted that he'd ever been young. He writes in his book--D‚scartes--that it was too bad that for the first 20 years, one was full of erroneous perceptions, because if one remained a semantic blank, so to speak, till 20, when one was mature, one wouldn't make all these erroneous, mythical, legendary -- you see, develop all these fairy-tale notions about life. This was the pride of Mr. D‚scartes, who had no mother, and who always wanted to line up with these serious men, and would show up this little waif that he -- he was, you see, a s- -- an adult. And that's, of course, still in the American attitude; and so you are all Cartesians.

-- You think th- -- you want to be rational. That's Cart- -- D‚scartes. And only a man who wants to be rational who's afraid people might discover one's inherent weakness as one's -- a mother's son.

Only to show you--why do I say this?--that in D‚scartes' case, the whole life, the fate of the man, the -- his external circumstances, you see, his upbringing, everything goes into making him into the man he is. And so we speak of D‚scartes rightly as a genius. And all new great movements are started by such geniuses. Then they have to be organized by faculties, or professions. You may also use the word "profession." And then they are spread over the country -- by -- in a form of education. And--how would you -- we call it?--{ } colleges. And then we finally meet the man in the street, the common man, the low-brow.

Now this country--we told -- we spoke about this--is by constitution lowbrow. It prefers when its -- can speak of -- of war or sale, then it will prefer the word "sale," you see. It will speak of a seller's marker instead of speaking of heroism. It's -- one doesn't say "heroism," although it is implied, you see. And with -- you say, "He sold out," or "Didn't sell out to the enemy," if we want to say that he was a hero. Very typical phrase.

So you must understand that the Americans are -- have chosen this way of speaking of reality. The Ger- -- Fren- -- the English have chosen to speak of education first. "He's an educated man," and that's why they still speak this way in Boston, which is just a colony of England, as you know. And in Germany, everybody is a spe- -- a professional man, you see. This is -- is -- is a country of professionalism. And in -- in France -- is a country of ideas, where everybody is rated for the idea he contributes to the commonwealth. And in Paris, you rate as a genius according to the independence to which you devote your life to one idea. And embody it.

Now a man of common sense, a man in the street cannot embody anything, because he has to take up a new idea every half hour. He buys all the paperbound -- -back -- paperback -- volumes, but he is not responsible for any of the ideas there, with his whole life. He doesn't think of -- ever identifying himself with any of these ideas for his whole life. He would feel cramped.

So you now understand that perhaps this way of talking about the settlement of the frontier is identical with this attitude, you see, with this talkingdown. But since the real world, of course, has to live on a combination of genius, professionalism, schools or education, and low-brow talk, it is now impossible after these two world wars to leave you to your own devices. Your -- coming of age means to know that one is only a part of the whole. And the membership of the whole comity of nations cannot be had at a smaller price than to admit that

this is a choice which has been made here, which always presupposes that the other countries are also able to carry out their commitment in the other { }.

And since at this moment, as you well know, France, and England, and Germany are wrecks, spiritually, the terrible thing has happened that the United States no longer receive these inspirations from these other countries and have to supply -- build them up now here. This is a terrible situation, but America is -- has -- is no longer a debtor nation. It is a creditor nation -- in the same sense in spiritual things as in money things. And we are far away from -- from perceiving this, from admitting it, and from achieving it. These three other things: de Gaulle's France, and Mr. Asquith's England, and Mr. Adenauer's Germany just don't perform. They don't offer you these things. You can still drink Munich beer, but there is no German professionalism. They imitate America. There is -- from England nothing to be expected, since labor has invaded Oxford and Cambridge. There is no such thing as the exploring, missionary spirit of the great English class of the 19th -- or 18th century, the people who went all over the world and conquered India. That's all over. They are all little Englanders. That is, they have nothing special to contribute to the world at large, you see. They are looking after themselves.

Now all these nations have only been great as long as they did not just look after themselves, but had one article of export, which the rest of the world needed, you see. The inter- -- dovetailing of nations doesn't consist that every nation is happy here, happy there, sitting on their fannies and making money, but that they are interacting. And one surplus, you see, goes there, and the other country's surplus is injected into the others. They are in a real way articulated and forming a system of spiritual processes.

And this is the -- this moment's -- is a very dangerous moment, because this has ceased to function in the way you take it for granted. And therefore, the American people can no longer afford, for example, to have these movements like Abolitionism, or Kellogg Pact pacifism, because the Kellogg Pact has wrecked Europe, by lulling the United States into the idea that by writing such a scrap of paper -- underwriting a scrap of paper, war could be -- abolished. And why is Europe destroyed? Because of the Kellogg Pact. Because the pacifists in this country thought they had a great victory, because war could no longer be declared. And I told you, the solution was that it was just conducted without a declaration of war.

-- This is -- the downfall of this order of things makes me feel that my -- my -- the question to you, The Reply to Hayne, offers you a lasting key to American problems. Because if you learn to compare the situation now after World War II in Berlin or in southern Korea to the taking up of the land in the West for

$1.25 an acre, you will suddenly see that this was implied then, too: political responsibility, and power, and armed force, you see, and justice, and -- and spiritual life. And therefore it is much closer, the two things to each other, than you care to -- to think, you see. In most of your textbooks, the Reply to Haynes is dismissed -- as an event of 1830. And -- one of the terrible things about all your textbooks is that they all think the thing, when it happened yesterday, that it belongs to yesterday. Obviously it belongs to tomorrow. The Reply to Hayne is after all not yet finished, you see. It's waiting to be finished by you.

But all your textbooks I would throw into the fire, because they are all written with the firm conviction that the reader -- writer of this and the reader of this book are more modern than the people who acted hundred years ago. And I can only tell you that I think you are terribly obsolete and dated, and all the people of who I am trying to tell you are much more ahead of -- time than you are. This is an error that the physical existence as of today makes you into a modern man. Not at all. Quite the contrary. The more you believe that you are modern, you may be sure the more obsolete you are. A prig, a fashionable snob, is the most obsolete man today. He has the day's -- today's fashion. But what of that?

Take a doctor who only believes in antibiotics, and has forgotten that you can -- can go to a bathing resort, and that you can perspire, and that you have all kind -- os- -- osteopathy, and chiropractors, and other helps, and all the wisdom of the ages. Do you think such a fashionable doctor is -- is -- is modern? He's just an -- an idiot, sold -- has sold out to the fashion of medicine as of today. He has forgotten all the wisdom of the ages. And if he -- wants to be a good doctor, he has to do both. He has to study the fashion of medicine today and have the wisdom of old times, plus. Otherwise I will not recognize him even to be anything more than a very dangerous quack. And most of us today are very dangerous people, because they have forgotten everything that Grandfather knew. And that's abo- -- about your situation with regard to history.

So now we come to the similar thing. The model case which I offer you is the -- the fate of a sailor on board ship, because it may cure you of many sentimentalities to think that the discipline in our economic processes can be glossed over by political slogans like a "social democracy."

I shall begin with a little precious pam- -- pamphlet by an Englishman written in 1777--that is, during the American Revolution--on the legality of impressing seamen. And perhaps it is just as well that we are pedantic, and I give you the list of these books, the bibliography of my lecture. First is Charles Butler, "Essay on the Legality of Impressing Seamen." Came out in 1777 in London, and then had a second run in 1778. And it tells you the simple story of all American

and English seamen, that they could be impressed into the service of his majesty at will; that they lived on a different law from all people on land; that simply because they knew how to man his boat, they could in any American sea- -- be impressed into the navy, and no questions asked, at a time when no soldier on land, you see, was conscripted, or drafted, at a time when there was such a thing as draft of -- on land unheard-of. So no volunteering, no free will in signing the articles of agreement on board ship in those days. To be on board ship meant to belong to a different world of order and law. And nothing on land compared.

Now this was valid for the Americans just as much. And I would like you to inquire into the seaman of -- of -- of the founder of the American navy, Jones--you see, the famous Jones--you will find that half of the crew were not even Americans. Perhaps even two-th- -- two-thirds were just foreigners impressed on this -- board ship.

My Exhibit B is, well, the story of the famous Semmes of the "Alabama". The book is called, W. A. Roberts, Semmes of the "Alabama". Now Raphael Semmes, S-e-m-m-e-s, is still celebrated in Mobile, and in the S- -- the whole South, as the great winner, you see, of the Battle of the Seas in the Civil War. He was the commander of the "Alabama" which, although it went down in -- in -- at Cherbourg at the end of the war, against the "Kearsarge," because it had chain armor, before that, had done, by and large, $2 billion damage to the American commercial -- commer- -- commercial fleet. It had finished the prospects of the northern states to be strong on the oceans. And while before, in 185- -- up to 1860, the American merchant marine was up to all other fleets--especially also to the English--from 1860 to 1930, as you may know, the American merchant marine amounted to nothing, as the Germans and the English took all the freight on the seas, and -- as a consequence of the victories of Mr. Semmes.

Now Semmes was a captain in the American navy, and a -- by the way, also a very able lawyer, strangely enough, of naval law and admiralty law. And he went over to the Confederate side, hauled down the Union Jack in a very painful ceremony, I must say, for my -- when I read it, you see, and hoisted the -- the Confederate flag. After this boat, the "Alabama," had -- had been shipped by him from Liverpool under the name, "{Enrica}," to these shores. And now let me read how -- who the men were who did this. And I think--I hope at least--I think you will be surprised. He had an agent on board -- land in England, who knew that he wanted secretly -- slip out of the harbor where the ship had been built, this "{Enrica}/Alabama." And because the English, under neutrality law, otherwise might have prevented him from leaving, you see, being -- meant to be a -- a man-of-war. There was, diplomatically speaking, a great question: how far the English had a -- the duty to retain the boat, you see. And you may have heard the Alabama Claims that then took many years to settle. That was -- about the

question: did the English have, you see, the right as neutrals to man a man-ofwar for one of the warring parties?

Now you would think, since it was a war, and people on both sides were to -- meant to be patriots, this would also apply to the navy, but not at all. He behaves first in an innocent manner off shore, and during the night, he drops down the coast to {Mulphra} Bay, from Liverpool.

"By pre-arrangement, a shipping master was waiting there with 35 or 40 seamen, who had been told they were to join a ship for a voyage to the West Indies. {Bullock}, the agent, was anied -- annoyed to find that these new hands were accompanied by approximately the same number of women, of that class and generally affected tenor, solicitude -- tender solicitude for Jack when he's outward bound, and likely to be able to draw some advance pay.

"A grotesque scene had ensued. {Bullock}"--that is, his agent--"instructed the shipping master to bring the men aboard, but leave the trollops behind. The other answered that he feared that would not work. The women maintained that they were the wives of the sailors and that they needed money for household expenses. They positively would not allow the men to sign until there had been a distribution of cash. Moreover, they were all hungry and a square meal would be in order. There was no time to argue.

"The -- the shipping master invited the whole lot to breakfast and served what he felt to be a safe allowance of grog to add zest and cheer to the meal. The men were then told that the ship had been trying out her engines, and that to avoid delay, it was proposed to proceed on the voyage without returning to Liverpool. Would they sign for the one trip? All but two or three agreed. As the names were put to the articles"--that's the articles they had to sign on the dotted line--"largesse was dispensed in which the trollops shared. The latter were then eased ashore without further regard for their comfort and left in the cold blizzard that was falling."

Now on they go, and come out here, and now Mr. Semmes, reputable captain of a not-yet-existing naval -- navy of the Confederacy, summons all hands to the quarter-deck.

"Where Semmes mounted a gun carriage and read his own commission as captain, and the order directing him to assume command of the chip -- that ship. He announced that her name was the "Alabama," and with those words, "{Enrica}" disappeared from the record. As he spoke, the Confederate ensign and pennant rolled, were hoisted to their respective mastheads, and a quartermaster fingered a halyard in readiness to strike the English colors.

A gunner had the lock string of the { } gun. A small brass band had their instruments poised. Sem- -- Semmes signaled with a wave of the hand, and as the cannon roared, and the band played "Dixie," the Stars and Bars was tossed free, and the Union Jack came down. Instantly the hammer fired once, thus according the "Alabama" had first salute." Now comes my story.

"The captain then made a recruiting speech to the assembled crews of both vessels totaling some 90 men. It was a matter of vital importance to persuade the majority of them to enlist. The freshly christened warship was properly staffed, but did not have a single of -- one of her own nationals," that is, of southern -- the southern states, "before the mast. She could not be navigated, if these men balked, for the press-ganging of foreign subjects was not to be thought of. Semmes called it a public meeting and his talk a stump speech. Decidedly he came close to buccaneer philosophy on that occasion, but he had no choice.

"He began by informing his hearers that they were free to return to England on the "Bahama" as passengers and draw pay for the round trip. He sketched briefly the causes of the war between the North and the South. Then he explained the individual advantages which members of the "Alabama's" crew might expect to reap, double the ordinary wages in gold, prize money to be voted by the Confederate congress for enemy ships destroyed, adventure in many parts of the world, and the excitement of battle. It was the lure which has been held out to sailors of fortune since the beginning of wars.

"When the talk ended, an officer passed among the men, and suggested that those who wished to join should at once see the paymaster in the saloon and sign the articles. Semmes had it, that 80 of the 90 enlisted. Another man writes that 85 were obtained.

"The greater number were British, with Irishmen and Welshmen predominating. But practically all the European nationalities were represented" -- with the exception of Americans.

"The paymaster of this boat, you cannot be surprised, was found to be a traitor. The {Yonge} scandal is gingerly handled by both Semmes and {Sinclair}"--that was his first lieutenant.

This book was, by the way, I didn't tell you, published by Mr. Roberts in 1938. It's worth your while perhaps looking at this biography of this great hero, in the Bobbs -- with the Bobbs-Merrill Company of Indianapolis and New York, 1938.

"The {Yonge} scandal is gingerly handled by both Semmes and {Sinclair}. The captain treats it with lofty disdain, deleting"--you always can be sure that then there was something to hide--"The captain treats it with lofty disdain, deleting {Yonge's} name from his memoirs as that of a traitor, and mentioning him

only as the paymaster. He states that the fellow had been drunk ever since he landed in Kingston, neglecting his duty and carousing with common sailors"--of course that was a deadly crime, you see--"carousing with common sailors, with an especial fancy for the sailors of the enemy. So Semmes"--they are in Jamaica at this moment--"Semmes ordered him to pack up his clothing and be off. Afterward in Jamaica, he married a Negro wife, went over to England with her, swindled her out of all her property and turned Yankee, going over to Minister Adams"--the famous Charles -- Francis Adams--"and becoming one of his right-hand men when there was any hard swearing wanted in the British courts against the Confederates.

"Sinclair adds that {Yonge} was guilty of treacherous communication with the United States consul, and of drunk consort with paroled seamen of the enemy. Through this man's influence with our crew, backed by the persuasions of the United States consul, we lost several valuable seaman. He was afterward a secret agent of the enemy's diplomatic corps in London."

Now I think it is very wonderful to behold that this Mr. Semmes and {Sinclair} dare to speak of "guilty of traitorous communications," after they had betrayed every confidence in the world, by just the way they -- they got these sailors on board their ship. It's very na‹ve. The -- the world of the sea is a world which is forgotten at this moment. And some- -- only the name of Harry Bridges sometimes makes you know that this has its -- this world has its own laws, and it is not interested in the patriotic outburst of Congressmen against Harry Bridges, because it is not a national world. It is not a world of nations. And -- it is a world of the ship. And on board ship, you are knitted together in a -- in a life which makes you forget that there is a land.

The -- I here have a report on the merchant marine of the United States, on the Merchant Marine Act of 1936, as a matter of fact, and perhaps you take down again the number. It's the hearings before the Committee of Commerce, United States Senate, 74th Congress, second session, on S3500 and S4111.

Now don't -- scold me for being so pedantic, but I wish you would go more often to these kind of books, like the cases of the Supreme Court and like the reports of the committees of the Congress. That's the real stuff. And you never get at them, and your textbooks are -- I'm very much against textbooks in any case. But the worst is that they wall you off against the sources. And these are the best sources we have in this country. And they -- who has ever had such a paper in his own hands? Please. Who has? Well, some of you, at least. Every one of you should -- you can't study history without doing this. And you must believe me that you are deafening your sensibility by reading textbooks. You have to get behind the textbook. The textbook is good as an eye opener, what exists behind the textbook. But please, don't -- don't think that you have any

contact with history by reading a textbook. That's not the language of human beings. That's the -- language of examiners, who then add silly questions at the end of every chapter.

In -- on -- imagine, that in the year of the Lord 1936, in the midst of the New Deal, a -- the seaman appeared before the Congress and demanded that a document should be made a part of this print called "Appeal of the Seaman of the World for Freedom." "Appeal of the Seaman of the World for Freedom." It is ridiculous to think that the problem of shipping can be solved on a national basis. It has been done in this United States with a tremendous hypocrisy, because the United States have paid hundred percent into the merchant marine, and it's privately owned. If this is not hypocritical, I don't know, because otherwise it wouldn't exist. So we have of course in this country no socialism, no Communism, but we have a 100-percent paid-up merchant marine by the United States government, you see, and that's called "free enterprise."

But to show you the ridiculous character of th- -- this way of dealing with industry, with modern industry, which is worldwide, you -- I want you to remember this "Appeal of the Seaman of the World for Freedom." And this was done by American- -- citizens who after all had all the benefits -- on land, you see. But that doesn't help you on board ship.

We come to the next document. In 1845, there appeared in England a book, Thom- -- by Thomas Clarkson. It's not a book, it's this pamphlet. Thomas Clarkson, "The Grievances of Our Mercantile Seamen -- a National and Crying Evil." And he pursues the problem as follows. He also went to Liverpool to study it. He was not a sailor himself. He had been against the slave trade, and he had been told that the slave trade was indispensable to develop a hardy crew for the merchant marine of England, that these slave traders were tremendously important for development -- the, you see, recruiting, so to speak, the real virility and the manpower of the English navy. And he went after the figures, and he found out that one-third of the men on these slave-trading ships died in one voyage; one-third deserted; and one-third came home sick and destitute.

Now I sh- -- say this to you so that you do not forget that -- over the slaves, the sailors who were on these boats, were in the same miserable position. Not quite so, you may say. But if on a voyage of -- from Africa to this country, as an average, one-third dies; one-third is left stranded in one of the West Indies -- islands, you see--they call it "desertion," but it was more or less that they were dropped, because they no longer were needed as long as the heavy load, you see, was -- was dismissed as they were fired; and one-third comes home, you see, all this blatant talk, you see, of Charles Kingsley, you see, "Go West, my son," you see, it's all just ballyhoo. All the victims, all the deaths are not mentioned, just as

with our western settlement, where it is never mentioned that half of the people perished. It's all glowing optimism. And -- I really was quite upset when I found that the -- the seamen on board of these slave boats were just as much the victim of this traffic as the Negroes on -- packed in the steerage.

What this little pamphlet then in 1845 held to be true about the -- the English seaman, of course, is an international grievance. May I remind you that he calls this a "national and crying evil." And I want you to dwell on this strange coupling of two words that really don't go together--"a national and crying evil"--because I would like to bring back to your memory that I said a week ago to you that injustice is international, and justice is national. And that you come from a -- either a philosophy of natural law, where it is said that justice is international; or you come from a positivistic tradition of law where it is said that all justice is national. The secret, however, of the movement of history is that injustices are international, and justice is national. Now he who can perceive it -- perceive it -- conceive it.

Perhaps it is too difficult -- too hard lesson for you. But it revamps all the theories of government, if you would understand that when a murder is committed in a desert, where there is no government, this injustice literally cries to Heaven. It does -- cry to Heaven until a vindicator comes down to earth and places himself there, as the prosecutor or the judge, and does something about it. That is, all -- earthly justice is an attempt to become the tool of the divine justice which has to be exacted. And blood, for example, that is shed by violence cries to Heaven. You all laugh when I say this. You are of course so enlightened that these old terms of earth and Heaven mean nothing to you. But if -- after you have lost your best friends under the hands of hangmen and wars, you would perhaps be a little more serious about the fact that injustice does cry to Heaven, and does not respect any national boundaries.

The injustice of the seamen in their treatment on the high seas is an international scandal, and has absolutely nothing to do with the legislation of the United States. And therefore these seamen in 1936 had an absolute right to say that they had to make an appeal for the freedom of the seaman to the world. You see, this is the -- what the -- Harry Bridges' position, which people in this country don't seem to understand, that -- Harry Bridges is such a valuable exponent of the seamens, because he is an Australian, and just a naturalized American, because seamen are not members of any one country. That's just nonsense. That's all fiction.

But you -- you bathe -- bask in this fiction, you see. And when it reaches the -- the -- the seaman union, everybody in this country--especially in Califor-

nia--seems to have lost his reason and -- argue against Mr. Harry Bridges. Now I don't know Mr. Harry Bridges; I'm not a member of the seaman union, and -- but I do think that you have to consider that these unions would be benighted indeed, these union men, if they wouldn't prefer a man who is not an American to represent their -- grievances to an American. Because they have to prove that this is not a national issue. They would just sell out to your prejudices.

Seamen are on board ship on the seven seas, and they are between the devil and high sea, literally.

Now the next. I have here a book by the Reverend James Fell, F-e-l-l, British Merchant Seamen in San Francisco - 1892 to 1898.

"The following pages have been written with the view of showing some of the causes why British seamen have been gradually drifting out of the Merchant -- Mercantile Marine and seeking employment in other paths of life, in order to gain a livelihood for themselves and those dependent on them. Their places are being taken on our ships"--all this is literally true about American seamen--"by foreigners, men of every nation. And a strong feeling is clearly rising in Great Britain that this state of things is most unsatisfactory.

"This book refers mainly to one port, San Francisco, the great rendezvous of the largest British sailing ships. In spite of the increase of steamers, there still remain many hundreds of these sailing ships, manned by thousands of men and boys; and it is about those long-voyage ships that these pages are written."

First comes a description of the rich city of Sacra- -- of -- of San Francisco. Very interesting to read and -- nowadays, you see, from a British point of view. Then comes the -- the chapters on the grievances of the sai- -- seaman: The Bay, Discontent, Food, Ships' Tailors, Pocket Money; now comes the center from which we have to hear more: Crimping. Who does not know what crimping means? Well, that's already dying. Now that's the -- the heart of the matter. The crimp held the balance of life and death over the head of the sailor -- sailor. And I have been told by the dean of the theological school in Chicago -- when I visited there a few years ago, that his father was engaged all his life in an attempt to put down the obnoxious character of crimping, and -- and failed.

Just as these men who manned the "Alabama" were first made drunk, were accompanied by the prostitutes--their harlots--on board ship, were then told what was going to happen to them--that they were -- would be shipped to the West Indies, and were in the West Indies then made to sign up as soldiers, as -- you see, as -- of the --of the navy of the South, all these steps of simple betrayal are involved in the process of crimping. And as I know -- from this -- my friend,

this dean of Chicago, it is -- especially true here of the West Coast. Let me read this:

"Seamen, on deserting a ship, sacrifice all the wages they have -- may have earned on the voyage, and of course come on shore penniless. People may ask, 'Why do buoy masters, crimps, and shipping masters practically spend their lives in trying to induce all these men to desert their ships, when they do not have a penny in their pockets? They cannot rob them, because there is nothing to take. What use then are they?' The answer is: that it is not any valuables that the man has on him that they are after, but the man himself. He is a most valuable piece of merchandise, and great profits often accrue out of his disposal."

Now here is a man, a reverend, such a fellow, and he tries to describe the fate of a sailor -- an able-bodied seaman, and he uses language--unknowingly--which, as you know, has been used by Karl Marx, to describe the problem of the labor market, that labor is a commodity. He doesn't use the technical term, so -- probably has never read Marx. The book is an old one, and I think a reverend in England at that time just didn't read -- appeared in 1899. The language of the class war and of Communism is quite foreign to the man. But still he -- we are here in the middle, in the heart of the process by which the problem of modern masses -- was, so to speak, inevitably formulated. "He is a most valuable piece of merchandise, and great profits often accrue out of his disposal."

Is my time up?

So I'm sure that you all will be interested in how to make money.

(Have you ever read Eugene O'Neill's The Long Voyage Home? I just kept thinking --)

Now may I say one more thing? Don't be -- no. I won't say it.